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London Local Authorities Bill [HL]

My Lords, it is a joy and   a pleasure to follow my friend, the noble Lord, Lord   Jenkin of Roding—my joint president of the Association of London Government. In that capacity, we will present ourselves to its annual meeting next Tuesday in the fond belief that we will both be returned unopposed as joint presidents for many years to come. We do that with a background in local government and the noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, demonstrated his authority, knowledge and perspicacity in these matters. If I were asked what kind of a man I was, I would always say that I am a local government man, due to my background as a councillor, as a leader, as a deputy to Gerald Kaufman and Roy Hattersley—as spokesmen for local government in the other place—and with my links on behalf of the GLC. I would remind the noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, that, from 1981 to 1986, the future of the GLC loomed large in the minds of many people. I have never hesitated to take advantage of an opportunity to become more knowledgeable about local government. Of course, as one moves away from the scene of activity, the memory blurs, but I stand here as a friend, not just of local government and local councillors, but of London authorities, because they have one of the world’s worst jobs, by governing in a metropolis that constantly throws up fresh problems. The Bill provides this House with an opportunity to examine the issues that have bubbled along for years and years and have been put together in the Bill. The noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, rightly paid tribute to the quality of the work that is expected from the Select Committee. The Select Committee, not this House, will make the decisions and we know that everyone who is affected by the Bill will be well represented by the Select Committee. There will be agents, advocates and specialists. Each case will be presented and argued over and when the Bill emerges from the Select Committee we will see its quality and value. The noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, apologised for the time that he took to move the Second Reading, but, frankly, he could have spoken for much longer and still not done justice to the contents of the Bill—because it is a large Bill, perhaps, by comparison with previous Bills. Certainly, the Select Committee will undertake a major piece of work. I am especially interested by the problems addressed by Clauses 31 and 32. They seek to allow London local authorities to prevent the sale of gum in designated areas and to make it an offence to sell or offer to sell   gum in those designated areas. The noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, rightly drew attention to the problem, not the solution. The solutions proposed by the Bill are before us, but the noble Lord also mentioned the fact that Defra in 2004 established the Chewing Gum Action Group. I suppose that it is stuck with that title and it has work to do. The piece of paper from which I am reading represents the Local Government Association, the chewing gum   industry, the Tidy Britain Group, DfES and the Chartered Institution of Wastes Management—all are reputable bodies. Frankly, I have never been bothered by the black stains on the pavement which, I understand, are chewing gum that has been trodden in. What I am interested in, particularly in the evidence given to the Select Committee, is whether banning the sale of chewing gum within a designated area will stop the chewing gum that has been bought in another area, chewed half way across London, but deposited in the designated area. How will stopping the sale of chewing in such an area prevent it being trodden in? I was interested to learn that people chew gum for an average of 24 minutes. I have never counted because I do not chew gum. But if people start to chew gum 24   minutes before depositing it wrongly—that is, on the pavement—how on earth can we stop them purchasing it in one area and chewing it on the way to the area in which they wrongfully deposit it? I do not make a case one way or the other. I am fully in support of any moves which tidy up our streets by actions—I refer to a great deal of the street furniture nexus with which we are plagued. Like many Members, I have been here long enough to be able to reflect on problems which appeared to be dealt with efficiently by a Bill which turned out later to be wrong. I am not too certain whether banning the sale of chewing gum in a designated area is the right way. The area must be arbitrarily fixed and delineated by the council. Chewing gum may be a moveable feast and there may be a change of habit. I simply enter an interest in the chewing-gum argument. Gum is chewed by millions of people. It is argued by those who are in favour of taking action by education that there are health aspects to it. I do not know, but when I raised the issue I was recently told that chewing gum wrappers invite the chewer to deposit his used gum in the wrapper and put is away properly. There is an educational job to be done. I noticed in the paper I read that Wrigleys is the biggest manufacturer. I have no need to declare an   interest, other than a broad one as an officer of the All-Party Group for the Retail Industry, which on the margin may be affected. When I once went to Chicago, I passed the baseball ground and was told that it was   Wrigleys’ field. That alerted me. When I made inquiries, I noticed that the initials of Mr Wrigley was   PK. When I was a boy, there were two kinds of chewing gum; one was Wrigleys spearmint and the other was Wrigleys PK. So chewing gum to me has been an educational tool. It is widened my knowledge of American entrepreneurs and I am grateful for that. I rise only, first, to congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, on his comprehensive introduction to the Bill. It is a service which people such as and I can do for our colleagues. I notice the noble Baroness, Lady   Hamwee, in the Chamber. She is much closer to the action in local government than many if not all Members in the Chamber and she will know all about it. I wish the Bill well and I look forward to seeing whether, when we come to chewing gum, we are stuck with it.