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Sri Lanka

My Lords, I thank the noble Lord for repeating the Statement. The Foreign Secretary’s visit to Sri Lanka is very welcome, although I am sorry that the Swedish Foreign Minister was not given a visa. I am glad that it is to be followed up by the cross-party delegation of MPs, including my right honourable friend Malcolm Bruce, chair of the International Development Select Committee. Does the noble Lord agree that it is extraordinary how little the international community has been able thus far to protect the civilians trapped between rebel and government forces? Surely this is a case where the UN has a duty to protect. How, in practice, can this be carried through in such circumstances? What role can international humanitarian law play here? Both sides are accusing each other of atrocities. What independent investigation of possible atrocities might be undertaken and would the UK Government support it? Does the Minister agree that both sides should be warned that they are personally accountable in this area? What will be done to ensure that things do not now spiral into revenge killings? It is appalling that the UN humanitarian organisations and the media have been so restricted. As the noble Lord pointed out, it is surely in the interests of the Sri Lankan Government to allow them through, given the claims that they themselves have made. This is yet another conflict where accounts from one side simply do not tally with the other and we must rely on the neutrality of the UN and ICRC. Given what the Sri Lankan Government have said about a ceasefire, what plans are there for getting civilians out and aid in? The Tamil Tigers should immediately allow civilians to leave and cease forced recruitment. Civilians and fighters who agree to lay down their arms need strong international guarantees of their safety. Only international supervision, unhindered by the Government, can provide the necessary level of protection. Some have expressed a fear of genocide. Is Britain meeting all its obligations under the 1948 Convention on Genocide, given that these accusations have been made? The UN and the ICRC must become responsible for supervising all stages of the screening process when people enter and leave any IDP camps. This must be fully documented. We hear some very worrying stories. What will be done to ensure that people can then return home and that areas will not, for example, be designated as militarily sensitive zones, to which people cannot return? As we look at points of pressure, what is happening to put pressure on the LTTE to let civilians go? What further pressure can be put on the Sri Lankan Government, who, as the noble Lord said, are not a terrorist group but a Government with particular responsibilities? What is the Government’s position on Sri Lanka’s request for a significant IMF loan? Surely Sri Lanka must first listen to the reasonable humanitarian requests of the international community. What discussions has the Minister had with other Governments to produce a package of other financial sanctions, such as the end to all non-emergency development aid, which might be imposed on the Government of Sri Lanka if they fail to listen, as has been suggested by the International Crisis Group and others? Beyond that, does he agree, as the noble Baroness, Lady Rawlings, said, that no lasting peace will be possible if the concerns of both communities are not addressed? What plans are there for full international engagement to ensure that a just peace follows the bloodshed of this period? Without that, Sri Lanka will continue to be extremely unstable, which is in no one’s interests, from whichever community they come.