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Iraq Inquiry

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his honesty. I shall make some progress. The House is united on the point that the significant nature of Britain's involvement in Iraq demands an inquiry. It needs to be comprehensive, independent and""not a trial or an impeachment, but an effort to learn for the future." —[Official Report, 25 March 2008; Vol. 474, c. 47.]" Those are the words of the right hon. Member for Richmond, Yorks in March 2008, and I agree with him on how the inquiry should be conducted. It will have complete freedom to write its own report. The Government's case today is simple: Sir John Chilcot's inquiry and his proposed method of conducting it will meet all reasonable aspirations for an Iraq inquiry. The combination of his remit and his membership, plus expert advisers, and his commitment to public sessions for as much of the proceedings as possible will deliver to the country an inquiry of insight and value. Yes, the Government have listened. There is a balance to be struck between speed and confidentiality on the one hand and comprehensiveness and transparency on the other. The balance now proposed by Sir John Chilcot is new, but the Government believe that it will be effective and that it deserves strong support. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the fact that there have been four previous debates on an Iraq inquiry. There have been four demands from the official Opposition in each case, and they will be at the heart of my remarks today, in addition to my answers to the points that he has just made. The first demand was that the inquiry should be comprehensive. The hon. Member for Woodspring (Dr. Fox), who is here today, said in the most recent debate on the matter, on 25 March, that the inquiry should have""the fullest remit, including the run-up to the war, the conduct of the war and the preparation for, and conduct of, the post-conflict period".—[Official Report, 25 March 2009; Vol. 489, c. 362.]" The second demand was that the inquiry be independent. Each of the three motions on the subject moved by the right hon. Member for Richmond, Yorks—in June 2007, March 2008 and March 2009—has referred to the need for an inquiry by an independent committee of Privy Counsellors. The third demand was that the inquiry draw on expertise from outside the world of politics. The right hon. Gentleman said in 2006:""A committee of seven Members of Parliament would necessarily be a partisan committee and the credibility of its findings would be correspondingly reduced."—[Official Report, 31 October 2006; Vol. 451, c. 182.]" The fourth demand was for a Franks-style inquiry. In motions, amendments, and speeches, the right hon. Gentleman has insisted that the inquiry be modelled on the 1982 Franks inquiry. The truth is that all four points are reasonable and serious and all deserve proper consideration. All draw on precedent as well as on common sense and all will be addressed in my speech today.