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Congo

My Lords, 30 June will mark the 50th anniversary of Congolese independence and pressure is growing that, after a 50-year presence, UN forces should begin to wind down. Now is surely the time for the Congolese Government, with the support of regional Governments and the international community, to take the necessary steps to bring the conflict to an end once and for all. Her Majesty’s Government, as the largest bilateral donor, giving £100 million last year, rising to £130 million in 2010, are well placed to take a lead, if the political will is there to support such an effort. Some of the United Kingdom’s most active NGOs, Congolese civil society organisations and the APPG on the Great Lakes Region of Africa are leading a campaign called "Congo Now". The Congo deserves to have a much higher political profile. The UK substantially supported the DRC’s first democratic elections in 2006 and we have continued to invest in and support the democratic process since then. It is vital that Congo’s next presidential and legislative elections should take place in 2011, following local elections planned for 2010, which have been delayed since 2006. The war in the east of the country, however, threatens to prevent any future development of the country as a whole. Long-term economic development and infrastructure building remain impossible with the country in conflict. If it worsens, or weakens the Congolese state further, it presents a serious risk to the region as a whole. The LRA has now begun to make inroads into the DRC, with conflict erupting in areas other than the east, particularly in Dongo to the north-west. The Congo is teetering on a knife edge. On one side lies the fragile route to recovery. On the other, particularly as elections approach and tensions mount, lies the route back into civil war. Many observers confirm that MONUC remains a necessary presence, providing protection for civilians in the DRC while the Congolese army, the FARDC, is being trained and reformed. It is, however, evident that a military solution alone will not solve the crisis in the DRC. A more joined-up approach is needed and many observers are looking to the Rwandan Government to do more to facilitate that. In this context, will the Minister tell us what steps the UK has taken, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, to encourage the Governments of both the DRC and Rwanda to develop and implement options for temporary resettlement of FDLR combatants and their families, either within the Congo or in a third country? The new MONUC mandate places a much heavier emphasis on the protection of civilians, a move that has been widely welcomed by the international community, but there is still more to be done to make MONUC a more effective peacekeeping force. Operations must be planned jointly between the FARDC and MONUC—something that Kimia II often failed to achieve. The joint protection teams of military and civilian personnel working together have proved to be highly effective but have had logistical and human resources problems. MONUC staff have mooted creating joint operating protection bases, allowing civilians to be stationed in remote operating areas and to work for more sustained periods and more effectively with military personnel. Will the Government make representations to Alan Doss, the special representative of the UN Security Council, to seriously consider this proposal while he is conducting a strategic review of MONUC and before he completes his report, which is due to be submitted to the United Nations Security Council by 1 April 2010? Furthermore, under the aegis of UNSCR 1894 to advance and ensure protection of civilians, will the Government consider deploying a civilian protection expert group to eastern Congo to inquire into and rapidly report on civilian protection needs and challenges? The need for more effective protection is self-evident. The UNHCR reports that, since December, more that 15,500 new IDPs have been registered in North Kivu, around Kitchanga and north-west of Goma, adding to the appalling estimate of 2.1 million IDPs in the eastern DRC. There is a lack of coherent and co-ordinated information about attacks against civilians and abuses against children. There is a lack of monitoring of the measures taken by MONUC to implement its strategy on the protection of civilians. A civilian protection expert group could develop measures for the protection of civilians in the DRC and promote humanitarian access and assistance. This would be an important step towards ending impunity for serious crimes in violation of international law. It is essential that MONUC has the means to carry out its mandate and is provided with the rapid response capabilities and intelligence-gathering support that the mission has requested to meet its new mandate, which strongly encourages enhanced regular information sharing about the LRA. In the light of the new mandate, what plans do the Government have, if any, to provide additional equipment and support to MONUC, if not from UK sources then from elsewhere? A main driver of the conflict in the eastern DRC has been the trafficking of mineral and natural resources, with the proceeds controlled by rebel groups and in some cases by the Congolese army itself. The UN Group of Experts report of December 2009 exposed links between UK companies such as Amalgamated Metal Corporation and the purchase of "conflict minerals" sourced in mines controlled by rebel groups and then bought by UK-registered companies. Massive human rights abuses against local civilian populations result. The Global Witness report Faced with a Gun, What Can You Do? and the Enough Project’s Digging In: Recent Developments on Conflict Minerals both clearly highlight this. Have the Government raised with the Congolese Government the question of FARDC units and commanders engaging in mineral trafficking? Do the Government support the call by Human Rights Watch and others for the international community to assist with measures to strengthen military justice in the DRC and for the creation of a special chamber to prosecute violations of international humanitarian law? Can the Minister confirm that the Government have met their obligations under UNSCR 1857 to submit to the sanctions committee details of individuals and companies registered in the UK whose trade in conflict minerals is helping to fund armed groups in the eastern DRC? The United States and Canada are developing draft legislation for disclosure and transparency in mining, oil and gas extraction activities, with the US highlighting precious mineral mining in the DRC such as columbite-tantalite, cassiterite and wolframite. Earlier this month, Norway became the first OECD country to disclose its oil and gas revenues under the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. What action are the Government taking to speed the implementation of more effective methods of monitoring and controlling supply chains used by UK firms operating in developing countries? What assistance are the Government providing to the DRC to develop and adopt similar national legislation requiring the performance of extraterritorial due diligence, particularly within the Great Lakes region, to international standards? In this regard, the Government of the DRC signed the EITI in 2008 and pledged validation by March 2009. Discussions between DRC officials and the all-party parliamentary group have revealed that the DRC will not be ready to validate the EITI as planned. What discussions has the Minister had with his Congolese counterparts in this respect? Do the Government have any plans to further support the DRC’s validation of the EITI? The £6 billion collaboration agreement between the Government of the DRC and the Chinese Government in mid-2009 has raised serious concerns, not least with Members of the Congolese Parliament. Complaints have been made to the APPG over the lack of information on the contract signed between the two Governments and the lack of transparency in the proposed management of the proceeds. What guarantees have the Government received from the Congolese Government about the transparency of the Sino-Congolese deal and the management of the income to the DRC? The recent report from the UN Group of Experts on human rights concerns and security sector reform made it clear that diaspora FDLR leaders based in Europe are active in the decision-making for rebel groups operating in the DRC and are providing financial assistance through money transfers. Some Governments have made moves to arrest key known rebel leaders, but the UK has been criticised for withholding information about telephone calls made between FDLR leaders in the UK and commanders in the DRC. Will the Minister comment on whether the information requested by the UN Group of Experts regarding the FDLR leadership based in the UK has now been provided? The Government of the DRC are being pressed to establish a vetting mechanism of human rights records in the appointment process to senior ranks within the FARDC resulting from the integration of armed groups into the army. Those suspected of committing violations should be immediately removed. The International Red Cross reports that four out of five women who go to their clinics for help in the DRC after being assaulted say that their assailant was a member of an armed group, either part of the government forces or a member of a rebel group. What measures are the Government taking to ensure that there is a strong human rights element in security sector reforms in the DRC, with measures to ensure that MONUC disengages support for FARDC units that are allegedly responsible for human rights abuses?