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Congo

My Lords, with great eloquence and clarity the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, has opened today’s timely and welcome debate. It would be right for noble Lords, in thanking him, also to thank the All-Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes for the work that it has done over many years in ensuring that Members of both Houses of Parliament are aware of the unfolding and continuing tragedy in Congo. I last visited the DRC in 2004. Some 5 million people have died there since 1998; it is the most deadly conflict since World War II. The United Nations says that the amount of sexual violence is higher in the DRC than in any other country; more than 500,000 women have been raped, with an average in the east of the country of 40 women raped every single day in South Kivu. The extraordinary humanitarian work of Dr Denis Mukwege in South Kivu’s "City of Joy", whose daughters describe him as a "doctor without borders", as outlined in the Times on 28 January, stands both as a rebuke to the world and as an inspiration. Sometimes people ask what needs to be done to save Congo—more precisely, what the United Kingdom could and should do to help. I have four comments to make on that today. First, we should continue to help to drive forward the long overdue political dialogue between the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandan Hutus living in eastern Congo. Military operations against these groups have not been able to dismantle them but instead have created massive retaliation against civilians—the case of Kimia II speaks for itself. In the same way that the Congolese Government have been opening negotiations with Congolese rebel groups, Her Majesty’s Government should encourage the Governments of Rwanda and Uganda to open political dialogue with their respective countries’ rebel groups in order to stabilise the Congo and Great Lakes region. I hope that the Minister will be able to tell us what progress is being made to resettle the FDLR combatants, as was agreed by the Governments of Rwanda and Congo in the Nairobi communiqué of 2007. As Alan Doss, the UN special representative, draws up his report on the work of MONUC, to be submitted by 1 April, are we pressing for the better planning of operations between FARDC and MONUC, for the sharing of intelligence information about the whereabouts of key figures wanted for war crimes, for the creation of joint protection teams for civilians and for more resources, particularly helicopters? Perhaps the Minister will also take the opportunity to make clear our continued support for the important work that MONUC does in the DRC. Secondly, we must address the hidden obstacle to peace, something that the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, referred to. Specific grievances might have sparked specific episodes of fighting, but hidden below this is the more fundamental question: the control of easily appropriable and highly valuable natural resources by armed groups and national armies from neighbouring countries. That remains the biggest obstacle to long-term peace in the region. The Congo has more diamonds, more gold, more cobalt, more coltan and more uranium—to name only some of its phenomenal assets—than any country in Africa. In spite of the lamentable catalogue of crimes against humanity that are taking place, Congo probably remains Europe’s and America’s biggest supplier of uranium, coltan, cobalt and tin. We need to deploy every possible diplomatic, financial and military means to end the looting of Congolese resources, which allows armed groups to recruit from their territory and fuel the wars in Congo. When did we last raise these issues with the Governments of Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda? How far have we reached with legislation in the United Kingdom, like that in the United States—the Congo Conflict Minerals Act 2009—to pave the way for legitimate companies to operate with transparency and social responsibility? Resolution 1896, adopted by the Security Council on November 30 last year, mandates the Group of Experts to come up with recommendations for guidelines on the exercise of due diligence to prevent indirect support to armed groups through the exploitation and trafficking of natural resources in the DRC. Can the Minister tell us more about the timetable for the implementation of these guidelines? Thirdly, throughout the Congo we must surely promote education for all. Education is said to be the cornerstone of personal, social and economic well-being of individuals and a vaccine against the social, historical and political ignorance that often breaks harmony and peace within and between communities. The Congo has a population of around 60 million people, 50 per cent of whom are estimated to be under the age of 18. One in two is said to be unschooled, 100,000 sleep rough on the streets, 10,000 have been recruited into armed groups and another 10,000 live in virtual slavery, mining natural resources for armed groups for as little as $5 a month, while the vast majority live in dire poverty. The education of women—empowering them and helping them to rise to positions of leadership—should be central to our approach to development. I recently met officials at the Foreign Office to discuss the DRC and tabled a number of Questions, particularly about the position of the so-called shegues, or street children, who are imprisoned at Angenga and Buluwo prisons. What assessment has been made of conditions in those prisons? Can the Minister say how many street children are estimated to live on the streets of Kinshasa? How many are still under arms? The Government recently gave me figures about the funds allocated for schools and education. What percentage of our aid programme does this represent? Fourthly and lastly, on impunity, to which the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, referred, the Congolese Government comprise military, government and parliamentary officials responsible for dozens of alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity. Indeed, as Anneke Van Woudenberg of Human Rights Watch put it: ""In Congo, if someone starts an armed group or kills people, they have a better chance of becoming a senior minister or a general than being put behind bars"." I remain to be convinced that a group of people who have achieved political power because of involvement in mass killings and who have used sexual atrocities as weapons of war will ever successfully heal or lead a nation if they are permitted to carry out such atrocities with impunity. As in South Africa, there must be a process of truth and justice. Without it, reconciliation will never be possible. I hope that the Minister in his reply will tell us what is happening about the extradition of Bosco Ntaganda, for whom there is an International Criminal Court warrant outstanding. When did we last discuss his case with the Congolese? What discussions have the Government had with the Government of Rwanda about bringing Laurent Nkunda, captured in January of last year, to trial and about arresting and bringing to trial Joseph Kony of the LRA? I am sure that we will hear more about that case from my noble friend Lady Cox. I conclude by saying that we are all agreed that the situation in the Congo is extremely grave: it is a nation in ruin, suffocating in its own people’s blood. In an open letter to the Prime Minister, President Obama and others, Vava Tampa, director of Save the Congo, in words that struck me forcefully, stated: ""A peaceful Congo is critically important for the citizens of DRC and the whole Great Lakes region"." That is a message that the whole world needs to hear.