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Migrant Domestic Workers (Visas)

And their families. Those people are willing to, and do, take the risk of a sanction against them. We have quoted the figures of 16,000 and 14,000 ordinary domestic worker visas, and the numbers registered with Kalayaan for 2008 and 2009 respectively were 369 and 354. Although there are a lot more ordinary domestic workers, the relevant proportion is lower, which shows that the nature of the arrangement is different. There are other issues for the Government to consider; for example, what are the Government doing about the national minimum wage in respect of migrant domestic workers generally? The Select Committee on Home Affairs understands that the UK Border Agency is issuing visas even though it knows that the minimum wage will not be payable. That sounds unacceptable. What are the Government doing to ensure that access is made available to the limited number of English language courses? Will the Government give us any estimates or figures on the extent to which people are trafficked into domestic labour? That argument takes us on to the points-based system. There is a real challenge in how the matter is handled, because we do not want to create a bond between employer and employee that prevents people from running away. What steps are the Government taking to deal with fact that, outside the Gangmasters Licensing Authority sector, enforcement of employment law is at times non-existent—an issue that was raised in the Home Affairs Committee report? There is a difficulty with international law and diplomats—there is no question about that—but we come back to the fundamental point, which is the ability to run away. If people are not able to run away, their rights cannot be enforced. Given that only 114 employers have been prosecuted for employing illegal workers since 1997, can the Government tell us how many people, if any, have been prosecuted for offences relating to the ill-treatment of a migrant domestic worker? What steps are the Government taking to ensure that where offences are suspected to have been committed, legal advice and support is given to the victims to aid prosecution, and to those who wish to bring employment tribunals against their employers? There is a problem with employment law when it comes to diplomatic missions, but there is also the question of whether we should be negotiating with foreign Governments, so that there is a sanction, not against the employer, but the state as a whole. The Home Affairs Committee found that""police do not always understand"" the "special status" of migrant domestic workers, and that""the immigration authorities frequently fail to follow the correct procedures for issuing visas…that would help to identify abuse."" What steps have the Government taken since the publication of that Committee's report to raise awareness of those problems with the relevant authorities? The Committee states that the current rules, which are part of a two-year extension, will need to be in place for far longer than two years to ensure protection from exploitation for those people, as various hon. Members have said. What is the Government's reaction to that? This is a difficult area, but there is a basic, simple principle: we oppose slavery. Indentured labour is slavery. To avoid slavery, people have to be able to run away without suffering. There will always be an element of suffering, because people will not have a new employer straight away, but they should not have to jump off a cliff to run away: that is not acceptable. There has to be a mechanism for people to leave an abusive employment relationship—to run away from slavery—and not be punished.