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Although the right hon. Member for Midlothian (Owen Thompson) is a valued member of the Intelligence and Security Committee, I think the Secretary of State would agree that the SNP is very much on its own on the idea of scrapping the nuclear deterrent. I am put in mind of a quotation from the late Denis Healey, who said that
“once we cut defence expenditure to the extent where our security is imperilled, we have no houses, we have no hospitals, we have no schools. We have a heap of cinders.”
—[Official Report, 5 March 1969; Vol. 779, c. 551.]
Is that endorsement of deterrence not as true today as it was when he gave it 55 years ago?
Although the right hon. Member for Midlothian (Owen Thompson) is a valued member of the Intelligence and Security Committee, I think the Secretary of State would agree that the SNP is very much on its own on the idea of scrapping the nuclear deterrent. I am put in mind of a quotation from the late Denis Healey, who said that
“once we cut defence expenditure to the extent where our security is imperilled, we have no houses, we have no hospitals, we have no schools. We have a heap of cinders.”
—[Official Report, 5 March 1969; Vol. 779, c. 551.]
Is that endorsement of deterrence not as true today as it was when he gave it 55 years ago?
Absolutely right.
Does the Minister share my relief that both main parties in the House of Commons support the retention and renewal of the nuclear deterrent? Did he also share my relief that, in July 2016 when the vote was held on whether to renew the nuclear deterrent, there was a massive majority of 355 in favour of doing that? That sends a message to the Scottish nationalists about how unrepresentative their views are.
Does the Minister share my relief that both main parties in the House of Commons support the retention and renewal of the nuclear deterrent? Did he also share my relief that, in July 2016 when the vote was held on whether to renew the nuclear deterrent, there was a massive majority of 355 in favour of doing that? That sends a message to the Scottish nationalists about how unrepresentative their views are.
I am extremely grateful to my right hon. Friend for that remark. I was delighted that those on the Labour Front Bench showed their agreement by nodding when I gave my previous answer. I am delighted that there is consensus. I think we all agree that, particularly at this time, the country needs the security of a deterrent to deter what would be the most aggressive threats to our nation’s freedom.
This week marks the passing of that doughty Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament campaigner ex-Monsignor Bruce Kent. While paying their due respect, will the Government nevertheless reassert the fact that, as long as other countries have nuclear weapons, Britain must never give up its nuclear deterrent?
This week marks the passing of that doughty Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament campaigner ex-Monsignor Bruce Kent. While paying their due respect, will the Government nevertheless reassert the fact that, as long as other countries have nuclear weapons, Britain must never give up its nuclear deterrent?
I remember, in my formative years politically, asking the late Mr Bruce Kent a question when I was at school. I do not think I asked the question very well, and I do not think he answered it very well, either. The reality is that Britain’s position is one of multilateral disarmament. It is not a position of unilateral nuclear disarmament.
Following the revelation of a very rare failure of a Trident missile test, will the Secretary of State confirm that our nuclear deterrent still meets what might be termed the Federer criterion of being able to deliver lethal projectiles at high velocity, in rapid succession and with total accuracy over a very long period of years?
Following the revelation of a very rare failure of a Trident missile test, will the Secretary of State confirm that our nuclear deterrent still meets what might be termed the Federer criterion of being able to deliver lethal projectiles at high velocity, in rapid succession and with total accuracy over a very long period of years?
I am very happy to confirm the safety and effectiveness of our nuclear deterrent.
Debate on a select committee report. Agreed to on question.
Debate on a select committee report. Agreed to on question.
To ask the Leader of the House, with reference to his oral contribution of 21 January 2016, Official Report, column 1556, whether he has since been advised of the date on which the House will hold its debate on the maingate for the successor to the Trident programme.
To ask the Leader of the House, with reference to his oral contribution of 21 January 2016, Official Report, column 1556, whether he has since been advised of the date on which the House will hold its debate on the maingate for the successor to the Trident programme.
Future business of the House will be announced in the usual way.
In welcoming what the Secretary of State for Defence has said, may I remind him that those on the Labour Front Bench have similarly committed to the retention of Trident and continuous at-sea nuclear deterrence? Does he therefore agree with me that whatever the complexion of the next Government, there can be no possible excuse for failing to renew Trident—whether in coalition, in government or in opposition? Wherever we are, we all ought to be committing to renewal in the next Parliament.
In welcoming what the Secretary of State for Defence has said, may I remind him that those on the Labour Front Bench have similarly committed to the retention of Trident and continuous at-sea nuclear deterrence? Does he therefore agree with me that whatever the complexion of the next Government, there can be no possible excuse for failing to renew Trident—whether in coalition, in government or in opposition? Wherever we are, we all ought to be committing to renewal in the next Parliament.
I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend that there is no possible excuse for not doing something that is absolutely necessary to Britain’s long-term strategic protection. However, I note that there are two parties represented in the Chamber this afternoon that do not support that agenda.
May we acclaim the fact that Members of both the Conservative
and Labour Front Benches are vying to show which party is the more committed to the successor Trident nuclear system? Is the Secretary of State aware that an analyst at the normally sensible Royal United Services Institute defence think-tank has suggested that even an inactive fleet of submarines can help deter actors from seriously threatening the UK? Does he agree that to adopt such a dangerously destabilising posture would not even save any significant money at all?
May we acclaim the fact that Members of both the Conservative
and Labour Front Benches are vying to show which party is the more committed to the successor Trident nuclear system? Is the Secretary of State aware that an analyst at the normally sensible Royal United Services Institute defence think-tank has suggested that even an inactive fleet of submarines can help deter actors from seriously threatening the UK? Does he agree that to adopt such a dangerously destabilising posture would not even save any significant money at all?
First, I agree with my hon. Friend. The outcome of the Trident review precisely showed that the negative impact on our strategic defence would not be justified by the small amounts of money that would be saved by changing the posture. May I also say to him that in respect of the specific article to which he refers, the content was much more measured than the headline suggested and in fact made it clear that there would be very significant additional risks in adopting a different nuclear posture?
What assessment he has made of the conclusions and utility of the Trident Alternatives study.
What assessment he has made of the conclusions and utility of the Trident Alternatives study.
I can tell my hon. Friend that the review demonstrated that no alternative system is as capable as a Trident-based deterrent, or as cost-effective. As to the utility, carrying out the review fulfilled a Government commitment but did not produce any unexpected conclusions.
Yes, well, it is good to know that the review came to such a predictable and predicted conclusion, but what does my right hon. Friend think of the fact that our coalition partners, the Liberal Democrats, have not adopted any of the options from the review but have decided instead to come off continuous at-sea deterrence and have only two Trident submarines? This was rejected as unworthy of consideration by the review, but now that even the Liberal Democrats want two submarines, should we take up the suggestion of the shadow armed forces Minister, the hon. Member for North Durham (Mr Jones), and try to sign a contract for them?
Yes, well, it is good to know that the review came to such a predictable and predicted conclusion, but what does my right hon. Friend think of the fact that our coalition partners, the Liberal Democrats, have not adopted any of the options from the review but have decided instead to come off continuous at-sea deterrence and have only two Trident submarines? This was rejected as unworthy of consideration by the review, but now that even the Liberal Democrats want two submarines, should we take up the suggestion of the shadow armed forces Minister, the hon. Member for North Durham (Mr Jones), and try to sign a contract for them?
As my hon. Friend suggests, the reason a two-boat solution was not considered in the review is that it did not meet the hurdle test of providing a credible deterrent. I am actually rather more interested in the views of official Opposition Front Benchers on this matter than the views of our coalition partners. I welcome the fact—[Interruption.] Hang on a minute. I welcome the fact that the first visit in office by the hon. Member for Gedling (Vernon Coaker) was to Barrow-in-Furness, the home of Britain’s submarine fleet.
To ask the Secretary of State for Defence pursuant to the Prime Minister's oral answer of 4 September 2013, on Trident, if he will make an estimate of the additional cost to his Department of bringing forward the main gate decision on the successor submarines to before May 2015.
To ask the Secretary of State for Defence pursuant to the Prime Minister's oral answer of 4 September 2013, on Trident, if he will make an estimate of the additional cost to his Department of bringing forward the main gate decision on the successor submarines to before May 2015.
As my hon. Friend will be aware, major investment decisions are made when programmes are sufficiently mature in terms of design and cost estimates. For the successor submarine we expect this point, the Main Gate decision point, to be in 2016. Making investment decisions and placing contracts when projects are not sufficiently mature is likely to lead to cost growth and time delays. However, it is not possible, for any individual project, to estimate with any degree of accuracy what those costs and delays might be, precisely because the programme is not yet sufficiently mature.
It cost the Ministry of Defence £1.4 billion to extend the life of the four Trident submarines so that the Liberal Democrats could study alternatives. Now that that study has shown there is no alternative to Trident, will the Prime Minister consider signing the main-gate contract for the first two submarines, so that we can never again be blackmailed by the Liberal Democrats in a hung Parliament?
It cost the Ministry of Defence £1.4 billion to extend the life of the four Trident submarines so that the Liberal Democrats could study alternatives. Now that that study has shown there is no alternative to Trident, will the Prime Minister consider signing the main-gate contract for the first two submarines, so that we can never again be blackmailed by the Liberal Democrats in a hung Parliament?
I have to credit my hon. Friend with remarkable consistency on this issue, on which, basically, I agree: we have Trident, it is the right approach and we need to renew Trident. Actually, the delay of the main-gate decision has saved us money, rather than cost us money. His point about the review is absolutely right. It shows that if we want a proper functioning deterrent, we need to have the best, and that means a permanently at-sea submarine-based alternative. That is what a Conservative-only Government, after the next election, will deliver.
To ask the Deputy Prime Minister to what use he will put the Trident Alternatives Report; for what reason the report excluded consideration of the (a) costs and (b) utility of a two-submarine Trident force; how many Civil Servant man-hours were expended upon this report; and at what attributable cost...
To ask the Deputy Prime Minister to what use he will put the Trident Alternatives Report; for what reason the report excluded consideration of the (a) costs and (b) utility of a two-submarine Trident force; how many Civil Servant man-hours were expended upon this report; and at what attributable cost...
I have been asked to reply as the Minister responsible for the Trident Alternatives Review.
The report on the Trident Alternatives Review, which the Government published on 16 July, is intended to inform public debate on this important topic. The review examined the option and costs of an interim procurement of two Successor submarines to supplement the reducing fleet of Vanguard-class submarines during the transition to a different system in 2040. The review did not examine a long-term fleet of two Successor submarines because such a force would be unable to sustain back-to-back patrols over an extended period of time, unlike a three boat fleet. Neither the hours nor costs of the review are centrally recorded; these could be provided only at disproportionate cost.
To ask the Deputy Prime Minister for what reason the Trident Alternatives Report took 30 months to prepare; for what reason it was published so near to the Summer Recess of the House; and if he will make a statement.
To ask the Deputy Prime Minister for what reason the Trident Alternatives Report took 30 months to prepare; for what reason it was published so near to the Summer Recess of the House; and if he will make a statement.
I have been asked to reply as the Minister responsible for the Trident Alternatives Review.
The review was conducted over the course of two years and involved an extensive and highly-classified analysis of policy, intelligence, scientific, capability and cost issues. It is the most comprehensive examination ever conducted by British officials of non-continuous postures. The review thoroughly tested the effectiveness of a wide range of future nuclear cruise missile systems and explored in depth the time scales associated with developing cruise missile warhead designs and the challenges involved in transitioning from the current Trident system to any alternative system. It reported to the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister in the second half of June this year. Officials then worked intensively to de-classify and to produce a report so that it could be made available to Parliament before the summer recess.
How much have the Deputy Prime Minister and his Cabinet Office colleagues cost the public purse in conducting a study of alternatives to Trident that has taken more than two and a half years to show that there are indeed no alternatives to Trident as the basis of our nuclear deterrent?
How much have the Deputy Prime Minister and his Cabinet Office colleagues cost the public purse in conducting a study of alternatives to Trident that has taken more than two and a half years to show that there are indeed no alternatives to Trident as the basis of our nuclear deterrent?
My hon. Friend must be a soothsayer if he can tell what is in a report that has not been published yet. As he knows, the confidential version of the report has been provided to the Prime Minister and me, and we hope to publish the unclassified version shortly, when he will see that options are available to us. I have always argued against the idea that a total, like-for-like, exact replacement of Trident on precisely the same basis is the only option available to us as a country.
Talking of alternatives, does my hon. Friend agree that the few percentage points of the defence budget that will be spent on replacing Trident give far better value for money than the alternative of putting nuclear cruise missiles on Astute class submarines, as has been recommended by the Liberal Democrats, almost all of whom are unaccountably absent from the Chamber today?
Talking of alternatives, does my hon. Friend agree that the few percentage points of the defence budget that will be spent on replacing Trident give far better value for money than the alternative of putting nuclear cruise missiles on Astute class submarines, as has been recommended by the Liberal Democrats, almost all of whom are unaccountably absent from the Chamber today?
My hon. Friend is a stalwart defender of this country’s nuclear deterrent. I applaud him for that and for the debate that he called on this subject at the end of last year. It remains to be seen what costings are attached to the alternative plans that our coalition partners may or may not publish in due course.
Twenty-fifth backbench debate (part two). Motion that this House has considered the matter of the nuclear deterrent. Motion lapsed.
Twenty-fifth backbench debate (part two). Motion that this House has considered the matter of the nuclear deterrent. Motion lapsed.
To ask the Secretary of State for Defence when he expects the study on alternatives to Trident to be completed.
To ask the Secretary of State for Defence when he expects the study on alternatives to Trident to be completed.