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To ask His Majesty's Government whether the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III will require him to maintain the laws of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the Protestant reformed religion established by law, and to preserve the rights and privileges of the...
To ask His Majesty's Government whether the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III will require him to maintain the laws of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the Protestant reformed religion established by law, and to preserve the rights and privileges of the...
The Coronation Oath Act 1688 requires that the Sovereign take the oath at his or her Coronation, and the text of the oath is set out in the Act. The precise form of words has been varied over successive coronations to reflect changes to the constitutional position. Except for one instance, the changes to the oath have been made without primary legislation - see the statement [1] of Sir Winston Churchill to the House of Commons in February 1953 (HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-3).
The text of the Oath will be published in due course and Parliament will be updated on any changes to the wording.
[1] CORONATION OATH CHANGES HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-32091
§The Prime MinisterI should now like to make my statement in reply to Question No. 45.
The terms of the Coronation Oath were first prescribed by the Act 1 William and Mary, chapter 6. Since then its terms have been changed at least five times. On one occasion only has the change had legislative sanction, namely the change which was introduced as a result of the Act of Union with Scotland. The Treaty of Union had provided that in Scotland the religion professed by the people of Scotland should be preserved to them and confirmed by every King on his accession, and it was thought proper that similar provision should be made for the protection of the English Church in England. The Coronation Oath was altered and enlarged accordingly.
For the many subsequent changes, large or small, which have been made in the terms of the Oath there was no legislative sanction. They were made at various times, and, in particular, after the Act of Union with Ireland, after the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, and also after the passing of the Statute of Westminster. On the last occasion the question whether the changes that were necessary to meet the new constitutional position could be made without an Act of Parliament was carefully considered. and the Lord Chancellor and the Law Officers of the day advised that they could.
I am advised by my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor that this opinion was clearly correct, and that the changes now proposed, which are, perhaps, less substantial than those made in 1937, but are required to meet the new constitutional position created by the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and other statutes, can also be made without legislative sanction.
Her Majesty's Government propose to follow this long line of precedents. To accept the view that changes in the terms of the Oath which are necessary to reconcile it with a changed constitutional 2092position cannot be made except with the authority of an Act of Parliament would be to cast doubt upon the validity of the Oath administered to every Sovereign of this country since George I.
If, as I am advised, the Coronation Oath can be lawfully administered in the terms now proposed, no useful purpose would be served by legislation. It must be remembered that at Westminster the Queen will be crowned Queen not only of the United Kingdom, but also of other self-governing countries of the Commonwealth. The form of Oath now proposed has been put to each of these countries and none has raised any objection, or has suggested that it is necessary to pass legislation in its own Parliament or in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Indeed, it would not be possible in the time now remaining before the Coronation to arrange for legislation to be passed by the Commonwealth countries concerned.
§Mr. AttleeMay I say, having had some experience of these difficulties, that I think it is extremely satisfactory that agreement has been obtained throughout the Commonwealth on this Oath, and that we should be well advised to allow this to proceed without legislation?
§Mr. E. FletcherMay 1, with respect. put this to the Prime Minister? While no one would wish to throw doubt on the validity of the Coronation Oaths in the past, in view of the fact that the Coronation Oath is a Parliamentary creation, and is intended as a limitation on the Prerogative, is it not desirable, though it may be inconvenient, that any changes that are proposed this year should have legislative sanction, for which, I am sure, there would be no difficulty in making the appropriate arrangements on a non-controversial basis? It is a matter which affects the rights of Parliament, and not merely the rights of the Executive.
§The Prime MinisterI think those important and weighty points have been covered by the answer which I have given to the House.
§Mr. HealyCould the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether he has considered the speech of an important member of the Irish Government in regard to this matter?
§The Prime Ministeris the hon. Gentleman speaking for the Irish Government of Northern Ireland or for the Eire Government, I believe it is—the Government of the Republic?
§Mr. HealyThe official name is the Government of Ireland, not the Government of Northern Ireland, which is a very small part of Ireland.
§Mr. Emrys HughesIs the Prime Minister aware that there is a strong feeling in Scotland about the Oath being taken to a Queen Elizabeth II on the ground of historical inaccuracy? In view of his great claim to historical accuracy himself, will he not do something' to meet this very strong resentment in Scotland?
§The Prime MinisterI shall be very glad to hear from the hon. Member if he will put his question in the pillar box.
To ask His Majesty's Government whether the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III will require him to promise and swear to govern according to statute and custom.
To ask His Majesty's Government whether the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III will require him to promise and swear to govern according to statute and custom.
The Coronation Oath Act 1688 requires that the Sovereign take the oath at his or her Coronation, and the text of the oath is set out in the Act. The precise form of words has been varied over successive coronations to reflect changes to the constitutional position. Except for one instance, the changes to the oath have been made without primary legislation - see the statement [1] of Sir Winston Churchill to the House of Commons in February 1953 (HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-3).
The text of the Oath will be published in due course and Parliament will be updated on any changes to the wording.
[1] CORONATION OATH CHANGES HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-32091
§The Prime MinisterI should now like to make my statement in reply to Question No. 45.
The terms of the Coronation Oath were first prescribed by the Act 1 William and Mary, chapter 6. Since then its terms have been changed at least five times. On one occasion only has the change had legislative sanction, namely the change which was introduced as a result of the Act of Union with Scotland. The Treaty of Union had provided that in Scotland the religion professed by the people of Scotland should be preserved to them and confirmed by every King on his accession, and it was thought proper that similar provision should be made for the protection of the English Church in England. The Coronation Oath was altered and enlarged accordingly.
For the many subsequent changes, large or small, which have been made in the terms of the Oath there was no legislative sanction. They were made at various times, and, in particular, after the Act of Union with Ireland, after the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, and also after the passing of the Statute of Westminster. On the last occasion the question whether the changes that were necessary to meet the new constitutional position could be made without an Act of Parliament was carefully considered. and the Lord Chancellor and the Law Officers of the day advised that they could.
I am advised by my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor that this opinion was clearly correct, and that the changes now proposed, which are, perhaps, less substantial than those made in 1937, but are required to meet the new constitutional position created by the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and other statutes, can also be made without legislative sanction.
Her Majesty's Government propose to follow this long line of precedents. To accept the view that changes in the terms of the Oath which are necessary to reconcile it with a changed constitutional 2092position cannot be made except with the authority of an Act of Parliament would be to cast doubt upon the validity of the Oath administered to every Sovereign of this country since George I.
If, as I am advised, the Coronation Oath can be lawfully administered in the terms now proposed, no useful purpose would be served by legislation. It must be remembered that at Westminster the Queen will be crowned Queen not only of the United Kingdom, but also of other self-governing countries of the Commonwealth. The form of Oath now proposed has been put to each of these countries and none has raised any objection, or has suggested that it is necessary to pass legislation in its own Parliament or in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Indeed, it would not be possible in the time now remaining before the Coronation to arrange for legislation to be passed by the Commonwealth countries concerned.
§Mr. AttleeMay I say, having had some experience of these difficulties, that I think it is extremely satisfactory that agreement has been obtained throughout the Commonwealth on this Oath, and that we should be well advised to allow this to proceed without legislation?
§Mr. E. FletcherMay 1, with respect. put this to the Prime Minister? While no one would wish to throw doubt on the validity of the Coronation Oaths in the past, in view of the fact that the Coronation Oath is a Parliamentary creation, and is intended as a limitation on the Prerogative, is it not desirable, though it may be inconvenient, that any changes that are proposed this year should have legislative sanction, for which, I am sure, there would be no difficulty in making the appropriate arrangements on a non-controversial basis? It is a matter which affects the rights of Parliament, and not merely the rights of the Executive.
§The Prime MinisterI think those important and weighty points have been covered by the answer which I have given to the House.
§Mr. HealyCould the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether he has considered the speech of an important member of the Irish Government in regard to this matter?
§The Prime Ministeris the hon. Gentleman speaking for the Irish Government of Northern Ireland or for the Eire Government, I believe it is—the Government of the Republic?
§Mr. HealyThe official name is the Government of Ireland, not the Government of Northern Ireland, which is a very small part of Ireland.
§Mr. Emrys HughesIs the Prime Minister aware that there is a strong feeling in Scotland about the Oath being taken to a Queen Elizabeth II on the ground of historical inaccuracy? In view of his great claim to historical accuracy himself, will he not do something' to meet this very strong resentment in Scotland?
§The Prime MinisterI shall be very glad to hear from the hon. Member if he will put his question in the pillar box.
To ask His Majesty's Government whether the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III will require him to use his power to cause law and justice in mercy to be executed in all his judgments.
To ask His Majesty's Government whether the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III will require him to use his power to cause law and justice in mercy to be executed in all his judgments.
The Coronation Oath Act 1688 requires that the Sovereign take the oath at his or her Coronation, and the text of the oath is set out in the Act. The precise form of words has been varied over successive coronations to reflect changes to the constitutional position. Except for one instance, the changes to the oath have been made without primary legislation - see the statement [1] of Sir Winston Churchill to the House of Commons in February 1953 (HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-3).
The text of the Oath will be published in due course and Parliament will be updated on any changes to the wording.
[1] CORONATION OATH CHANGES HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-32091
§The Prime MinisterI should now like to make my statement in reply to Question No. 45.
The terms of the Coronation Oath were first prescribed by the Act 1 William and Mary, chapter 6. Since then its terms have been changed at least five times. On one occasion only has the change had legislative sanction, namely the change which was introduced as a result of the Act of Union with Scotland. The Treaty of Union had provided that in Scotland the religion professed by the people of Scotland should be preserved to them and confirmed by every King on his accession, and it was thought proper that similar provision should be made for the protection of the English Church in England. The Coronation Oath was altered and enlarged accordingly.
For the many subsequent changes, large or small, which have been made in the terms of the Oath there was no legislative sanction. They were made at various times, and, in particular, after the Act of Union with Ireland, after the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, and also after the passing of the Statute of Westminster. On the last occasion the question whether the changes that were necessary to meet the new constitutional position could be made without an Act of Parliament was carefully considered. and the Lord Chancellor and the Law Officers of the day advised that they could.
I am advised by my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor that this opinion was clearly correct, and that the changes now proposed, which are, perhaps, less substantial than those made in 1937, but are required to meet the new constitutional position created by the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and other statutes, can also be made without legislative sanction.
Her Majesty's Government propose to follow this long line of precedents. To accept the view that changes in the terms of the Oath which are necessary to reconcile it with a changed constitutional 2092position cannot be made except with the authority of an Act of Parliament would be to cast doubt upon the validity of the Oath administered to every Sovereign of this country since George I.
If, as I am advised, the Coronation Oath can be lawfully administered in the terms now proposed, no useful purpose would be served by legislation. It must be remembered that at Westminster the Queen will be crowned Queen not only of the United Kingdom, but also of other self-governing countries of the Commonwealth. The form of Oath now proposed has been put to each of these countries and none has raised any objection, or has suggested that it is necessary to pass legislation in its own Parliament or in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Indeed, it would not be possible in the time now remaining before the Coronation to arrange for legislation to be passed by the Commonwealth countries concerned.
§Mr. AttleeMay I say, having had some experience of these difficulties, that I think it is extremely satisfactory that agreement has been obtained throughout the Commonwealth on this Oath, and that we should be well advised to allow this to proceed without legislation?
§Mr. E. FletcherMay 1, with respect. put this to the Prime Minister? While no one would wish to throw doubt on the validity of the Coronation Oaths in the past, in view of the fact that the Coronation Oath is a Parliamentary creation, and is intended as a limitation on the Prerogative, is it not desirable, though it may be inconvenient, that any changes that are proposed this year should have legislative sanction, for which, I am sure, there would be no difficulty in making the appropriate arrangements on a non-controversial basis? It is a matter which affects the rights of Parliament, and not merely the rights of the Executive.
§The Prime MinisterI think those important and weighty points have been covered by the answer which I have given to the House.
§Mr. HealyCould the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether he has considered the speech of an important member of the Irish Government in regard to this matter?
§The Prime Ministeris the hon. Gentleman speaking for the Irish Government of Northern Ireland or for the Eire Government, I believe it is—the Government of the Republic?
§Mr. HealyThe official name is the Government of Ireland, not the Government of Northern Ireland, which is a very small part of Ireland.
§Mr. Emrys HughesIs the Prime Minister aware that there is a strong feeling in Scotland about the Oath being taken to a Queen Elizabeth II on the ground of historical inaccuracy? In view of his great claim to historical accuracy himself, will he not do something' to meet this very strong resentment in Scotland?
§The Prime MinisterI shall be very glad to hear from the hon. Member if he will put his question in the pillar box.
To ask His Majesty's Government whether they expect the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III to differ from that sworn by Her late Majesty Queen Elizabeth II; if so, (1) in what ways, and (2) whether an amendment to the Coronation Oath Act 1688 will...
To ask His Majesty's Government whether they expect the Coronation Oath to be sworn by His Majesty King Charles III to differ from that sworn by Her late Majesty Queen Elizabeth II; if so, (1) in what ways, and (2) whether an amendment to the Coronation Oath Act 1688 will...
The Coronation Oath Act 1688 requires that the Sovereign take the oath at his or her Coronation, and the text of the oath is set out in the Act. The precise form of words has been varied over successive coronations to reflect changes to the constitutional position. Except for one instance, the changes to the oath have been made without primary legislation - see the statement [1] of Sir Winston Churchill to the House of Commons in February 1953 (HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-3).
The text of the Oath will be published in due course and Parliament will be updated on any changes to the wording.
[1] CORONATION OATH CHANGES HC Deb 25 February 1953 vol 511 cc2091-32091
§The Prime MinisterI should now like to make my statement in reply to Question No. 45.
The terms of the Coronation Oath were first prescribed by the Act 1 William and Mary, chapter 6. Since then its terms have been changed at least five times. On one occasion only has the change had legislative sanction, namely the change which was introduced as a result of the Act of Union with Scotland. The Treaty of Union had provided that in Scotland the religion professed by the people of Scotland should be preserved to them and confirmed by every King on his accession, and it was thought proper that similar provision should be made for the protection of the English Church in England. The Coronation Oath was altered and enlarged accordingly.
For the many subsequent changes, large or small, which have been made in the terms of the Oath there was no legislative sanction. They were made at various times, and, in particular, after the Act of Union with Ireland, after the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, and also after the passing of the Statute of Westminster. On the last occasion the question whether the changes that were necessary to meet the new constitutional position could be made without an Act of Parliament was carefully considered. and the Lord Chancellor and the Law Officers of the day advised that they could.
I am advised by my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor that this opinion was clearly correct, and that the changes now proposed, which are, perhaps, less substantial than those made in 1937, but are required to meet the new constitutional position created by the Indian Independence Act, 1947, and other statutes, can also be made without legislative sanction.
Her Majesty's Government propose to follow this long line of precedents. To accept the view that changes in the terms of the Oath which are necessary to reconcile it with a changed constitutional 2092position cannot be made except with the authority of an Act of Parliament would be to cast doubt upon the validity of the Oath administered to every Sovereign of this country since George I.
If, as I am advised, the Coronation Oath can be lawfully administered in the terms now proposed, no useful purpose would be served by legislation. It must be remembered that at Westminster the Queen will be crowned Queen not only of the United Kingdom, but also of other self-governing countries of the Commonwealth. The form of Oath now proposed has been put to each of these countries and none has raised any objection, or has suggested that it is necessary to pass legislation in its own Parliament or in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Indeed, it would not be possible in the time now remaining before the Coronation to arrange for legislation to be passed by the Commonwealth countries concerned.
§Mr. AttleeMay I say, having had some experience of these difficulties, that I think it is extremely satisfactory that agreement has been obtained throughout the Commonwealth on this Oath, and that we should be well advised to allow this to proceed without legislation?
§Mr. E. FletcherMay 1, with respect. put this to the Prime Minister? While no one would wish to throw doubt on the validity of the Coronation Oaths in the past, in view of the fact that the Coronation Oath is a Parliamentary creation, and is intended as a limitation on the Prerogative, is it not desirable, though it may be inconvenient, that any changes that are proposed this year should have legislative sanction, for which, I am sure, there would be no difficulty in making the appropriate arrangements on a non-controversial basis? It is a matter which affects the rights of Parliament, and not merely the rights of the Executive.
§The Prime MinisterI think those important and weighty points have been covered by the answer which I have given to the House.
§Mr. HealyCould the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether he has considered the speech of an important member of the Irish Government in regard to this matter?
§The Prime Ministeris the hon. Gentleman speaking for the Irish Government of Northern Ireland or for the Eire Government, I believe it is—the Government of the Republic?
§Mr. HealyThe official name is the Government of Ireland, not the Government of Northern Ireland, which is a very small part of Ireland.
§Mr. Emrys HughesIs the Prime Minister aware that there is a strong feeling in Scotland about the Oath being taken to a Queen Elizabeth II on the ground of historical inaccuracy? In view of his great claim to historical accuracy himself, will he not do something' to meet this very strong resentment in Scotland?
§The Prime MinisterI shall be very glad to hear from the hon. Member if he will put his question in the pillar box.
Lords question for short debate on what steps they will take to ensure that the Libor system remains available to be exercised by the Bank of England in the event that inter-bank lending is at risk of collapse.
Lords question for short debate on what steps they will take to ensure that the Libor system remains available to be exercised by the Bank of England in the event that inter-bank lending is at risk of collapse.
My Lords, during the three weeks or so since I entered the ballot for this slot, I have continued to maintain close contact with practitioners in the Libor market, as I support the case for a final resolution of the Tom Hayes case and press the argument to confirm the...
My Lords, during the three weeks or so since I entered the ballot for this slot, I have continued to maintain close contact with practitioners in the Libor market, as I support the case for a final resolution of the Tom Hayes case and press the argument to confirm the...
To ask His Majesty's Government what steps they will take to ensure that the Criminal Cases Review Commission has sufficient resources to speed up its consideration of cases.
To ask His Majesty's Government what steps they will take to ensure that the Criminal Cases Review Commission has sufficient resources to speed up its consideration of cases.
In the last two years, the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) has increased the Criminal Cases Review Commission’s (CCRC) budget from £6.015m in 2020/21 to £6.998m this year. This represents an increase of £983,000 or 16% of the 2020/21 budget. A capital budget totalling £1.58m has also been provided to improve its infrastructure, so that it can meet its targets on timeliness of case reviews.
The funding allocation to the CCRC is reviewed each year, in consultation with the CCRC itself, as part of setting budgets so the CCRC can continue to carry out its statutory functions effectively.
To ask Her Majesty's Government what plans they have to direct the Serious Fraud Office to review its handling of the case of Tom Hayes; and, further to the judgment of the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in United States V. DB Group Services (UK) Limited (and...
To ask Her Majesty's Government what plans they have to direct the Serious Fraud Office to review its handling of the case of Tom Hayes; and, further to the judgment of the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in United States V. DB Group Services (UK) Limited (and...
The Serious Fraud Office (SFO) is an operationally independent body. The Attorney General is responsible for safeguarding the independent decision making of the SFO, to maintain this independence the Attorney General cannot overturn a decision reached by the SFO in a particular case.
The Criminal Cases Review Commission (CCRC) is an independent arm’s length body who consider cases where people believe they have been wrongly convicted or wrongly sentenced. It would be inappropriate for the Government or the SFO to ask the CCRC to reconsider any decision they have made, including in the case of Tom Hayes.
My Lords, I was delighted to hear the noble Lord, Lord Anderson, refer to the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties because I believe it will have a profound effect on the final resolution of our recovery of sovereignty on a number of issues. I would like to...
My Lords, I was delighted to hear the noble Lord, Lord Anderson, refer to the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties because I believe it will have a profound effect on the final resolution of our recovery of sovereignty on a number of issues. I would like to...
Sorry. I have said my peace, and I hope you will understand it has come from the heart.
5.22 pm
Sorry. I have said my peace, and I hope you will understand it has come from the heart.
5.22 pm
My Lords, in 1987, I was chairman of Dan-Air in identical circumstances. I had to put in a liquidator if we could not find an immediate solution. The night before, I had dinner with John Major and explained to him the dire effect that this would have on the whole...
My Lords, in 1987, I was chairman of Dan-Air in identical circumstances. I had to put in a liquidator if we could not find an immediate solution. The night before, I had dinner with John Major and explained to him the dire effect that this would have on the whole...
To ask Her Majesty's Government whether any agreements have been made with the EU about British participation in (1) the establishment of a European Defence Union, (2) any military command and control procedures, (3) the future of Five Eyes, (4) the procurement of military equipment from an EU-wide organisation, and...
To ask Her Majesty's Government whether any agreements have been made with the EU about British participation in (1) the establishment of a European Defence Union, (2) any military command and control procedures, (3) the future of Five Eyes, (4) the procurement of military equipment from an EU-wide organisation, and...
The UK has no agreement with the EU about British participation in the establishment of a 'European Defence Union'.
The Withdrawal Agreement and Political Declaration provide the option, but no obligation, for the UK to continue to contribute to CSDP operations and missions on a voluntary basis, and where of benefit to UK interests. This does not undermine the UK's sovereignty, our command or control of our Armed Forces nor does it oblige us to participate in a 'defence union' or any EU defence initiatives.
The UK will retain full sovereign control over its defence, intelligence services and decision-making after leaving the EU. The UK will also retain control over the deployment of its Armed Forces and their equipment. Any future security partnership negotiated with the EU would reflect this position.
The UK currently has no agreements with the EU on military command and control procedures other than those in the Withdrawal Agreement referring to continued participation in CSDP operations and missions during the Implementation Period. UK personnel remain under UK sovereign command at all times.
The UK does not have any agreements with the EU on British participation in the 'Five Eyes' community. Any future relationship agreement with the EU will not undermine our partnership with the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The intelligence cooperation between these 'Five Eyes' partners is the broadest, deepest and most advanced of any grouping of nations and we are committed to maintaining it.
The UK has not entered into any agreements with the EU to participate in the procurement of military equipment from EU-wide organisations. There are no agreements with the EU about British participation in transfer of nuclear technology licensed to the UK by the US.
My Lords, at this hour of the evening, I am deeply concerned as to the propriety and responsibility of making the speech with which I have come prepared. I have no greater desire than to see the whole of this Brexit process end
with a satisfactory completion and an unarguable...
My Lords, at this hour of the evening, I am deeply concerned as to the propriety and responsibility of making the speech with which I have come prepared. I have no greater desire than to see the whole of this Brexit process end
with a satisfactory completion and an unarguable...
My Lords, I start from the point of view that I support the deal as offered and would vote for it in any straightforward circumstances, but I come today with two questions that I still have and want answers to. I know I will not get those answers here today,...
My Lords, I start from the point of view that I support the deal as offered and would vote for it in any straightforward circumstances, but I come today with two questions that I still have and want answers to. I know I will not get those answers here today,...
My Lords, I have a very tenuous connection to justify taking your time at this late hour of a long debate. On 6 September I participated in a debate in which I tried to run a small amendment to encourage a greater concentration on the issues of sovereignty in whatever...
My Lords, I have a very tenuous connection to justify taking your time at this late hour of a long debate. On 6 September I participated in a debate in which I tried to run a small amendment to encourage a greater concentration on the issues of sovereignty in whatever...
Moved by
Lord James of Blackheath
1: Clause 2, page 2, line 30, at end insert “, including what steps have been taken to ensure that United Kingdom sovereignty has been an essential principle in those negotiations and will be in any forthcoming negotiations.”
Moved by
Lord James of Blackheath
1: Clause 2, page 2, line 30, at end insert “, including what steps have been taken to ensure that United Kingdom sovereignty has been an essential principle in those negotiations and will be in any forthcoming negotiations.”
My Lords, a week ago, I wrote a letter to the Lord Speaker in which I suggested that in certain circumstances which might occur, such as this morning, the entire House of Lords is ineligible to sit. I do not intend to pursue this point, but I want to explain...
My Lords, a week ago, I wrote a letter to the Lord Speaker in which I suggested that in certain circumstances which might occur, such as this morning, the entire House of Lords is ineligible to sit. I do not intend to pursue this point, but I want to explain...
I thank the noble Lord. It is, however, in the interests of the British public, who, in the end, will have to vote blind on this issue. They need to be informed but nothing has been done to bring that about. I beg to move.
I thank the noble Lord. It is, however, in the interests of the British public, who, in the end, will have to vote blind on this issue. They need to be informed but nothing has been done to bring that about. I beg to move.
I thank the noble Lord. I tabled my amendment because, in everything that has been said so learnedly on this matter, nobody has covered the subject of sovereignty, which is really at the core of the original intention to take back control. Therefore, I am concerned that the public might...
I thank the noble Lord. I tabled my amendment because, in everything that has been said so learnedly on this matter, nobody has covered the subject of sovereignty, which is really at the core of the original intention to take back control. Therefore, I am concerned that the public might...
I entirely recognise that fact. My concern, which I am sure the noble Lord will share, is for the understanding of the British public when they have to accept whatever is the final decision. I do not believe they have enough knowledge of the reality of what stands behind the...
I entirely recognise that fact. My concern, which I am sure the noble Lord will share, is for the understanding of the British public when they have to accept whatever is the final decision. I do not believe they have enough knowledge of the reality of what stands behind the...