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Northern Ireland

My Lords, I thank my noble friend Lady Park for initiating this interesting debate. Those of us who come originally from Northern Ireland are always delighted to be able to present our views, whether they are acceptable or not. For that I am grateful to my noble friend. I am pretty much a new boy and have not yet had the chance to have a conversation with the new Minister, but from what previous speakers have said, I am looking forward to a good and continuing relationship. I and the people of Northern Ireland like someone who is straight talking. If that is the Minister’s greatest attribute, he will do well. I hope that the Minister will stay in his post for the full term of this Government because continuity is one of the things that is so important in Northern Ireland. After the excitement of the general election and the ““No”” votes in France and Holland, we come back to mundane matters and problems which need solving. So here we are again, debating Northern Ireland, something which has gone on for many years. When somebody is ill or sick, it is important that a doctor is continually in attendance to minister to the patient and to understand the history and nature of the illness and how it might improve, along with the treatment required. To have had five doctors in eight years does not really give the patient a full chance of recovery. To have had five Secretaries of State for Northern Ireland in eight years is, in my opinion, a recipe for continued ill-health—and so it has proved. I blame the Government and the Prime Minister for not allowing a doctor, or Secretary of State, to look after the patient for an extended period of time. That is why I say to the noble Lord, Lord Rooker, that I hope he will stay for the life of this Parliament, as I do the Secretary of State. The European constitution is dead and the Belfast agreement is very ill. All the people of Northern Ireland want an agreement, but we must almost start again. Here I pay real tribute to David Trimble for all his efforts. Many have considered what place he will have in history, but to my mind he took courageous risks and I hope that it is not long before we see him in this House. If one reads the report of the Independent Monitoring Commission published on 24 May, one quickly realises that while the patient might appear superficially to be better, under the surface all the old problems still exist. The IRA is regrouping, continuing to train and carrying on with its spying wherever possible. So-called loyalist paramilitaries are doing the same. All the fringe groups are similarly continuing with their illegal activities. How can things get better? To give noble Lords a perspective, and for those who have not read the IMC report, I give a couple of quotations. My noble and learned friend Lord Mayhew quoted from paragraph 2.11, which goes on to say:"““We believe that since the end of August 2004 it was responsible for some 5 shootings and 6 assaults. PIRA remains heavily engaged in organised crime, including for example the smuggling of fuel and tobacco. Recent events have shown PIRA’s sophisticated use of money laundering””." And we should not forget that the loyalists are equally criticised at paragraph 2.21:"““The UVF undertook a number of attacks over Christmas and New Year . . .  It continues to recruit members. Several of the loyalist shootings and assaults over the period . . .  can be attributed to the UVF and the [Red Hand Commandos]. The UVF is also engaged in organised crime””." So it is not a simple situation. I am going to say something positive, which I hope will happen. Several things need to take place, but we must all agree that the objective of a power-sharing assembly is the right way forward and it has my support, full and unequivocal. IRA/Sinn Fein, which has 25 per cent of the vote, requires representation. But before that representation is granted, several things need to happen: there must be a verifiable, open and complete decommissioning of all arms; there must be a statement that the war is over; and all punishment beatings and all forms of criminality must cease. Of course the loyalist paramilitaries must do likewise and in the same way. What is the way forward? The people of Northern Ireland want a regional assembly, and I believe that the rest of the United Kingdom wants the same thing. As an interim measure, and only that, the assembly should re-sit but without IRA/Sinn Fein in any executive positions. An executive should be set up of the Democratic Unionist Party, the Ulster Unionist Party, the Social Democratic and Labour Party and the Alliance Party until such time as it becomes obvious that IRA/Sinn Fein is prepared to play the game according to the rules. In the mean time, the power of the local county councils should be strengthened to enable them to give advice to the Assembly so that the Assembly does not remain moribund. The Assembly could then debate the recommendations from the county councils and forward them to the Secretary of State. He could then consider and implement some of the recommendations put forward. It might be slightly convoluted but at least it would keep matters moving. I said earlier that I hope that Peter Hain, in his new position as Secretary of State, will remain in that office for the entire period of this Parliament. If he and the noble Lord, Lord Rooker, remain in post, they will understand the position a lot better than many of their previous colleagues, who were shunted in and out to suit politics rather than to deal with the problems of Northern Ireland. If the noble Lord, Lord Rooker, thinks I am being critical, I should tell him that I am straight talking, as I hope he will be. I have often wondered what sense there was in holding an Assembly election when it was called, as it was so obvious that the centre would be squeezed and the parties on the right and left would achieve much greater prominence. The prospects of establishing an executive to include the DUP and IRA/Sinn Fein are negligible at the moment but may well improve if IRA/Sinn Fein sets into motion the three actions we believe it should take. The sooner we can put together a proper, devolved Assembly representing all strains of opinion in Northern Ireland, the better it will be—not only for the people of Northern Ireland but for Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. I hope my comments commend themselves to the House. I am grateful for the opportunity to put them forward today.