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Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill

I am certainly not afraid of that. I have doubts and worries about other parties, given the rate at which the DUP has been able to inveigle defections and all sorts of disloyal activities in other parties. That is where I have my doubts. I would also note the Alliance party’s occasional proclivities for running after a post that might happen to become available. We need to ensure that nothing in the Bill creates new difficulties and unfairnesses. The Bill as it stands, even with the Government amendments, does create an unfairness. As things stand, the First and Deputy First Ministers can bring about a situation whereby their parties hold the first ministerial and deputy first ministerial offices and the justice ministerial office, as well as other ordinary ministerial offices, as though they did not hold the justice ministerial office. If the Government are serious in their intent to ensure that the justice ministerial post counts properly towards d’Hondt and does not materially affect or prejudice any party’s d’Hondt entitlement, they should be prepared to accept amendments Nos. 27 and 30, which seek to rectify that possibility. Amendment No. 27 would strike a compromise that is contrary to the Minister’s suggestion that we are trying to strip the First and Deputy First Ministers of any role in the appointment of justice Ministers. It would provide that the nominating officer of a party can dismiss a justice Minister from his party, just as the party leader can for ministerial offices allocated under d’Hondt. By way of compromise, we would also allow the First Minister and Deputy First Minister to dismiss a justice Minister, even one of another party. However, amendment No. 30 would provide an important safeguard. If they dismiss a justice Minister and replace him with a Minister from a different political party from that of the outgoing justice Minister, d’Hondt has to be re-run for ordinary ministerial offices as well. That would build in a protection against abuse by removing the temptation for it—likewise, for example, if the Assembly or the First Minister and Deputy First Minister refused to support the replacement that a party leader would want where a vacancy arose because of the resignation or death of a justice Minister from that party. However, I accept that it is important to guard against a party leader trying to abuse the system by then sacking his own justice Minister and refusing to allow the First Minister and Deputy First Ministerto nominate anybody at all from their party so as to trigger a rerun of d’Hondt for all ministerial offices. I am seeking to prevent the temptation for abuse and tactical manoeuvres by the First and Deputy First Ministers and by party leaders.