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Proceeding contribution from Mark Durkan (Social Democratic & Labour Party) in the House of Commons on Tuesday, 21 November 2006. It occurred during Debate on bill and Committee of the Whole House (HC) on Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Bill.


Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Bill

Yes, it was absolutely right, which is why I and most of my colleagues voted in support of the health Minister’s decision and against the censure attack when other parties in the Assembly sought to press for a vote. The final decision was not actually taken by Bairbre de Brun. Current direct rule Ministers are becoming increasingly familiar with judicial reviews, under one of which Bairbre de Brun and the Department were taken to court over the procedure. The court found that the procedure was deficient and the consideration process and decision had to be taken again. Finally, a direct rule Minister took the same decision and followed the same prevailing medical advice. Another example is the supposed decision taken by the then Minister of Education, Martin McGuinness, on the 11-plus. Let us be clear. If the suspension had not happened, we would not have had the rushed announcement—inspired by public relations and other purposes. We should remember that there is a difference between an announcement and a decision: announcing that the 11-plus is to go after 2008 is one thing; taking a decision on what replaces it is quite another. That is the real issue at stake—but we never had such a decision. Only a few weeks previously, Martin McGuinness, as Minister, told the Assembly that a further consultation exercise would take place and that no decision would be taken without the matter first being referred to the Executive and coming before the Assembly. Only then, as things destabilised into suspension, did Martin McGuinness face the free context of no Assembly sitting and make his announcement in the hope that it would bind subsequent direct rule Ministers. One can understand the motives and considerations involved there. I would refute what the hon. Member for Strangford (Mrs. Robinson) implied in respect of those two decisions. I would also point out that she was wrong in trying to say that there was absolutely no accountability or scrutiny in terms of north-south. Ministers could not go to a north-south ministerial council meeting without all of the papers for the meeting being shared not just with the accompanying Minister, but with the whole Executive. They had to inform and come before the departmental committee of the Assembly to speak to the issues and they had to make a full statement after the meeting to the Assembly, and be open to a full hour of questions. After a while, unpredictably in these matters, the questions did not last anything like an hour because people were so content, and the business was straightforward. There was no big mystery to it. If anything, the question was why more north-south business was not happening, as it could be made more productive and more relevant by giving the bodies more rather than less to do. I fear that the Government, by giving the DUP the sort of drive-by vetoes that it sought, are granting a concession too many. As I mentioned to the Secretary of State earlier, that is why we are glad that there is a sunset clause that would dissolve the changes if the DUP does not comply with the deadline.


Secondary information

Type
Proceeding contribution
Reference
453 c511-2 
Session
2006-07
Chamber / Committee
House of Commons chamber
Subjects
Codes of practice Accountability Administration of justice Conduct Devolution Elections Languages Ministerial powers Northern Ireland Police Northern Ireland Assembly Political parties Ministers Northern Ireland government Police Service of Northern Ireland Schools School choice Secondary education Sinn Féin Democratic Unionist Party St Andrews Agreement District policing partnerships
Legislation
Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Bill 2006-07
Link
View this Proceeding contribution on www.publications.parliament.uk