Proceeding contribution from Lord Janner of Braunstone (Labour) in the House of Lords on Wednesday, 29 November 2006. It occurred during Debate on bill on Tribunals, Courts and Enforcement Bill [HL].
Tribunals, Courts and Enforcement Bill [HL]
My Lords, I listened with interest to my noble friend Lord Howarth of Newport. He referred to the Times correspondence page, which today carries a very interesting letter from him occupying a column. I am only sad that he does not understand that the key to this legislation should be justice, decency and morality. It should not be about removing now, from people who have already had mercy, justice and decency removed from their lives, the potential right to their property. At present, if a Holocaust survivor sees a painting or object that belonged to his or her family, they can go and claim. If the Bill becomes law in its present form, if they see such property, they will be unable to prevent the people who have brought that property and exhibited it in this country at least keeping it, hiding it or taking it home. That is totally wrong and immoral and is not a fair balance. Yes, my noble friend is right to refer to the misery suffered by people in the Holocaust. Yes, I declare an interest. My entire family that lived on the Continent, with the exception of those in Denmark, was wiped out by the Nazis. Yes, I declare an interest. I served in the British Army of the Rhine as a war crimes investigator. We know what the Nazis did. We know how property was stolen. We know who bought it. Yes, I have an interest. I recently came back with the noble Lord, Lord Hunt of Wirral, from another attempt to get the Vatican to hand over property. It has not handed over any of the items that were put into its care by people who knew they were being taken away by the Nazis and would probably be murdered. Not one item has been returned by the Vatican. Yes, I am referring also to visits to Austria, which has passed a law stating that property taken from people who were murdered in the Holocaust should be handed back to their families. But that has not prevented a range of excellent painting, which belonged to people who now live in this country and who provided us with the details, being put by the Austrians into a gallery that is open to the public, but is privately owned so that the law does not affect it. But 50 per cent of the directors of that gallery are appointed by the Viennese, so the family cannot get the paintings back. This is not justice and, with respect, neither is it justice to say, ““The rights you have now are going to be diminished””. It is not justice to say, ““This Bill will retain certain rights and you can take action in the international court””. That is not the way to treat people. The provisions are hidden away in Part 6 of a Bill that mainly deals with other matters, as this debate has done today. That is not the way to obtain decency, fairness and justice. Part 6 provides British institutions with immunity from potential prosecution or seizures of objects brought to the United Kingdom for public display and temporary exhibition for up to 12 months, either at one location or many. The potential is that spoliated, stolen artwork cannot be restored to the true owners, if they turn up, unless an order has been made by a court. Meanwhile, people can take those objects—it is theirs. Why? The answer we are given is, ““If we can’t do this, we will not get exhibitions in this country. People will not want to bring their art here””. Well, if it is stolen art, I do not want them to bring it here, and I am sure that other Members of this House do not want that. The Bill does not define which objects are protected. They should be cultural objects. The period of protection is not carefully thought through. There is nothing to ensure that items on loan are not brought into the United Kingdom on a semi-permanent basis. Items can be sold while they are on display in the United Kingdom. The safeguards for the true owners of such property, who have been robbed of them, are totally insufficient. It is not justice, it is not fair and it is certainly not something that I would have expected to happen in this country. In many ways, the Bill is incompatible with the United Kingdom’s support for the principles laid down in the 1998 Washington Conference on Holocaust-Era Assets, which I attended. It overrides our existing law, policy and practice on illicitly traded works of art, and art stolen by the Nazis. Britain stood up against the Nazis when no one else did. My father was a Member of the other place for years, a leader of the Jewish community who stayed through the Blitz with my mother while I was shipped off to Canada for four years because they believed the Nazis were going to invade—thank God they did not. Do not give them something back like this. How could it be right, if an artefact is proved to be stolen property, that it is not attacked when it comes here for an exhibition? ““Well, maybe they would not want to put artwork into exhibitions here if they knew they were in that danger””. Well, too bad. We do not want to be a place which exhibits stolen art. This part of the Bill should be removed, not least because this county stood alone against the Nazis. To allow it back in is a disgrace.
Secondary information
- Type
- Proceeding contribution
- Reference
- 687 c786-8
- Session
- 2006-07
- Chamber / Committee
- House of Lords chamber
- Subjects
- Courts Bankruptcy Cultural heritage Debt collection Arrears Employment Tribunals Service Finance Fees and charges Legal aid scheme Judiciary Immigration Fines Landlords Membership Public appointments Museums and galleries Proceeds of crime Lord Chancellor's Department Parking offences Tribunals Regulation Victims Tenants Rents Council on Tribunals Exhibitions
- Legislation
- Tribunals, Courts and Enforcement Bill (HL) 2006-07
- Link
- View this Proceeding contribution on www.publications.parliament.uk
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