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Libyan State-sponsored Terrorism

I am grateful to my right hon. Friend. He makes an extremely valid and important point. Last week, he helped to organise a visit to this place for victims and the relatives of those who were injured and killed in incidents across the United Kingdom. I know that other hon. Members here have had constituents killed in incidents in which Libyan-supplied Semtex was used. The matter affects not just Northern Ireland, but many people right across the United Kingdom. It is a United Kingdom issue. While progress towards the abandonment of terror and support for terrorism by Libya is welcome and to be encouraged and supported, we must not allow that to prevent Libya from being forced to face up to its responsibility to make reparation for its past involvement in terrorism. Michelle Williamson, whose parents Gillian and George were murdered by the IRA in 1993 in a fish shop in Belfast's Shankill road, two years ago said:"““Libya can't wash its hands of responsibility. It's like the pub owner who knowingly supplies drink to a customer knowing he or she is going to drive home drunk. If that driver kills someone, the person who plied him or her with drink bears some responsibility.””" She was quite right. In 2006, almost 200 British survivors of IRA terrorism—most of whom were from Northern Ireland including Michelle Williamson and Jim Dixon, who was seriously injured in the 1987 Remembrance day bomb in Enniskillen—joined a very small number of American victims in taking a class action against Libya, which was filed and pursued through the courts in the United States. The aim was to ensure compensation along the lines of the Lockerbie air disaster in Scotland. Those who took the action were representing not only themselves, but thousands of others murdered and maimed by Libyan-sponsored IRA terrorism. That was a crucially important and highly symbolic legal action, and those who have suffered so much at the hands of the IRA were surely deserving of the support and encouragement of our Government. The Government, however, have seemed reluctant—to put it mildly—to become involved, and we were told that that was because of the legal proceedings. None the less, the Government have seen fit to become involved in a number of other matters relating to Libya and Libyan actions towards individuals and foreign citizens. For example, the former Prime Minister, Tony Blair, intervened in relation to the legal actions in Libya against Bulgarian nurses. The Government have rightly intervened on behalf of British and foreign victims of the Lockerbie air disaster, including criminal proceedings in the Netherlands and civil proceedings in Scotland and the United States. Other European Governments, such as France and Italy, have taken a proactive approach and have secured adequate compensation for their citizens who have suffered as a result of Libyan-supported terrorism. For example, the French Government intervened in litigation brought by their own and foreign citizens against Libya regarding the French flight UTA 772, which exploded in mid-air over the Sahara desert in September 1989. The inactivity of our Government in seeking to support the victims in their just quest for compensation and justice as a result of Libyan-sponsored IRA terrorism contrasts sharply with the various precedents that they themselves have set. It also contrasts sharply with the activities of other Governments, particularly with the proactive approach of the US Government. I commend the American Administration for their determination to see right done by their own citizens. Sadly, in the case of the legal action that has been brought by UK citizens, such determination has turned out to be something of a two-edged sword, for the US Administration have taken the view—and espoused some of the reasons for it—that they can only look after their own citizens. That approach means that, two years on, the case mounted and initiated in the US has hit a massive brick wall. The US Administration concluded that it was in their best interests, in both security and economic terms, to engage in a process of rapprochement with Colonel Gaddafi. However, as the US Government engaged in negotiations with Gaddafi's regime, they were also acutely aware of the demands of Congress and victims that any rapprochement could take place only in the context of ensuring compensation for US victims in their courts. In order to secure a successful outcome to the negotiations, the American Government unashamedly interfered in domestic litigation and recommended a stay of civil actions on the basis of agreeing a compensation settlement for US citizens only. The American deal with Libya was enshrined in the Libya claims settlement agreement of 14 August 2008, and was settled last month when the US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited Libya. The deal means that three Americans—the only US claimants—will be well compensated, and rightly so, but the remaining 139 UK claimants and the class action of some 3,500 British claimants are now back to square one. That cannot be right or just. It is a travesty of justice that has caused considerable dismay and anger among those who now find themselves no better off than they were when they embarked on their just case. One of the other people who came to the House last week was Willie Frazer of the Northern Ireland-based pressure group, Families Acting for Innocent Relatives. He said:"““We tracked down the American victims to allow us to take the case in the first place. They will now be entitled to get compensation. I don't begrudge it to them. We have been working on this for six years, to hold Colonel Gaddafi responsible. We thought there was some justice in the world.””" That view is common. It is felt not just by him but by many victims in Northern Ireland and throughout the United Kingdom in relation to how matters have proceeded. The Government's stance on pursuing compensation appears to be to do nothing. That approach can only infuriate victims further. If it was important for the Government to intervene proactively before, it is imperative that they do so now that the case has come to such an abrupt and unsatisfactory stalemate. The Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and the Government must rise to the challenge. I ask them on behalf of the victims what they will do to ensure that Libya and Colonel Gaddafi are made to face up to their responsibility to compensate the victims of Provisional IRA terrorism. Her Majesty's Government cannot afford simply to sweep the matter under the carpet. However Gaddafi and his regime in Libya are regarded today, we cannot allow them literally to get away with murder. Unfortunately, the legal correspondence between the victims' representatives and the Government does not fill one with great confidence that the Government are inclined to change their position. In a recent letter of 7 October, the Prime Minister said to the victims' representatives that"““the UK Government does not consider it appropriate to enter into a bilateral discussion with Libya on this matter. Thus remains the Government's position””." He went on to say:"““I assure you that the UK in no way condones Libya's past sponsorship of terrorism…It is, however, important that we recognise the fundamental changes Libya has made in recent years. It has dismantled its weapons of mass destruction programme and renounced its support for international terrorism, including the IRA. With the support of the UK, Libya has returned to the heart of the international community””." That is all very well, but it will bring little comfort to the British citizens who suffer daily as a result of IRA atrocities sponsored and aided to a considerable extent by the same Libyan regime. It appears that the Government's attitude is ““Let's not rock the boat. Let's not do anything that will unsettle things diplomatically.”” That approach is of course not adopted by other Governments, most notably those of the US, France and Italy; it appears to be the unique attitude of the UK Government. To their shame, they sit alone in that attitude, betraying and letting down the victims of terrorism. This country has suffered more from terrorism over the past 30 years than any other nation in Europe, and perhaps the world, in terms of the length and intensity of violence inflicted. Recently, there has been unprecedented intervention in the banking and financial sectors. It has been all hands to the pump. I do not disagree with many of the actions taken in the current emergency, such as the setting aside of billions, but many victims have said to me recently that it is simply not tenable for the Government to say that they can and will do nothing to achieve justice through compensation for the victims of Libyan state-sponsored terrorism. In my view and that of many victims, the Government must fulfil that moral obligation. Such action will help bring closure to the deep and long-standing tensions between the United Kingdom and Libya and smooth the way to improved trade and business relations, but the issue must be dealt with. It will not go away. As right hon. and hon. Members will know, a process is under way in Northern Ireland to consider how to deal with issues from the past. An awful lot of time and effort has been put into recognising that such issues will not simply disappear; they must be addressed. Just as that must be acknowledged, the issue of compensation and justice for the victims injured by the Libyans' actions in supporting the IRA cannot be swept under the carpet. It must be addressed. We will have no closure or settlement of the issues until that boil is lanced. If it is not dealt with properly, the spectre of the victims and their suffering will continue to haunt us. It will not simply go away. There are precedents for Government intervention, as I said. The new special relationship with Gaddafi and Libya has not prevented the US, French and Italian Governments from addressing victims' needs in their recent agreements with Libya. The run-up to a proposed visit to this country by Colonel Gaddafi is an opportunity. I would be grateful if the Minister could confirm what the arrangements are for any such visit. Who will Gaddafi meet? Will the issue of facing up to his responsibility for IRA terrorism be addressed with Ministers? Will there be an opportunity for victims and their representatives to meet him and put the case directly? It is essential that that should be taken on board. It is vital to ensure that justice is done and is seen to be done for the victims. We welcome the Libyan regime's progress in normalisation and the fact that it has taken its place in the international community, but this country cannot say, uniquely and alone, that we will do nothing as far as the victims are concerned. Others have done it; it can be done. It is imperative that this Government act on behalf of the victims.