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Sudan

My Lords, I, too, congratulate the right reverend Prelate on this timely debate and on his comprehensive introduction. I will focus briefly on five concerns. First, in Southern Sudan and the Nuba mountains earlier this year, we found widespread fear that the Government in the north would try to undermine the peace agreement, as they do not wish the south to gain independence. There was deep suspicion that the north was arming surrogate militias to destabilise the south, to create terror and to undermine confidence in the Government of Southern Sudan—for example, supporting the infamous Lord’s Resistance Army’s activities in Sudan. It was a not unreasonable fear, as Khartoum had allowed the LRA to run its horrific training camps for thousands of Ugandan child soldiers in Khartoum-administered territory for many years. Will Her Majesty’s Government urge the Assessment and Evaluation Commission to ensure that no arms are being supplied to any militias from any source? Secondly, there is a dire humanitarian situation in many parts of Southern Sudan, Southern Blue Nile, the Nuba mountains and the Beja lands. Darfur has inevitably been a priority for many major aid organisations, leaving immense areas of unmet need elsewhere. I give just two shocking statistics: in Southern Sudan, only 19 per cent of the population receive immunisation, leaving the majority of children vulnerable to diseases such as TB, tetanus and polio; and one in eight mothers will die in childbirth. Does DfID’s funding policy adequately address these critical situations, including consideration of the appropriateness of the shift from relief to development priorities? Thirdly, many leaders in the south feel under pressure from the international community not to secede, but many feel that they have suffered too long from being part of a united Sudan and their only hope for freedom and justice lies in independence. The Roman Catholic Archbishop in Juba told us earlier this year that it would be helpful if the international community understood the fundamental differences in motives between the north and the south: the north wishes to maintain unity for reasons of wealth- and power-sharing, while motives influencing the peoples of the south are passion for religious freedom and the preservation of their African identity. Remember that the war which broke out in the early 1980s, resulting in 2 million dead and 4 million displaced, was in response to an attempt by the north to impose Sharia law in Bor; and that African southerners—Muslims, Christians and traditional believers—have long felt victims of perceived Arab domination, racism, slavery and attempts to destroy African culture. Fourthly, there was the abduction into slavery of tens of thousands of Africans, especially from Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Nuba mountains, during the last war. I met many who had escaped and whom we had helped to freedom, and we heard their heartbreaking stories. Many thousands are still in captivity. Two days ago, an Anglican priest told us that members of his own family are still enslaved, but it is too dangerous to try to rescue them. Will Her Majesty's Government put great pressure on the Government in Khartoum to ensure that all remaining abductees are identified and returned to their homes as a matter of urgency? Finally, given the recent unfortunate cancellation of a visit by the President of Southern Sudan, will Her Majesty’s Government undertake to reinstate a visit as soon as possible? The comprehensive peace agreement is the only hope on the horizon for peace and alleviation of suffering for the people of Sudan who have suffered too much, too long. But it is fragile and inevitably some do not wish it to proceed. The Sudanese look to the United Kingdom as a special friend, but also as the nation which has a historic responsibility to help them in these critical times. I trust that history will show that we fulfil that responsibility honourably.