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Europe in the World (EUC Report)

My Lords, like others I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Bowness, for his persuasive speech in opening the debate and the work of Sub-Committee C, as well as for his remarkable contribution over recent years to this work in your Lordships’ House. I have read this report, as I have read others, with genuine enjoyment; it is provoking and makes us think about these issues. I also wish the noble Lord, Lord Roper, well in succeeding him. I am grateful to all noble Lords who have spoken. First let me set out a little context. The United Kingdom took the opportunity of its presidency of the European Union in the second half of 2005 to champion a more results-oriented Europe. It is well known that at the Hampton Court informal meeting we managed to get an agreement which resurrected the Lisbon agenda, focused on improving the EU’s competitiveness. But what is less commented on is that we also managed to win approval for a programme that identified areas where the Council secretariat could co-ordinate more closely with the Commission in crisis management situations. The original Europe in the World Commission Communication, published in June 2006, followed in the results-oriented logic of the Hampton Court agenda, but it focused not only on the Commission and Council secretariat but also on the high representative and the presidency of the European Union, the European Parliament and the member states. As the Foreign Secretary and the Minister for Europe have made clear in another place and in correspondence, we have consistently been supportive of this work. It rightly does not anticipate a constitutional treaty but is predicated on practical reforms that are possible under current treaties. It also focuses on amending existing arrangements rather than establishing new processes. Indeed, as the committee identified in its report, much of whatwas set out in the Commission’s communicationwas happening already at the working level. As the Government stated in their official response to the committee’s report, this useful work will continue to be taken forward by the German presidency and the Commission, and we will continue to support it fully. That does not and will not usher in the constitution by covert means—a point which I think has been put to me; I am clear on that—and there is no change on the referendum position. The noble Lord, Lord Astor, made several points here. I do not believe either that there is a case for superseding our own foreign policy objectives. Were foreign policy always to be the outcome of long periods of gestation, perhaps in theory it might be possible to reach unanimity across a body as diverse as the European Union, but the world does not generally permit that, or at least it happens only occasionally. On most issues, ultimate authority is bound to remain in sovereign state hands for most issues. Perhaps I may deal with the issues addressed in the report. The call for improved co-operation and coherence in EU external relations must certainly be welcomed, and the Hampton Court agenda focuses on exactly that as well as on effective delivery. I welcome it again today. I also welcome what is saidon strategic planning. The Government think it isa valuable proposal. Although not much is saidin the concluding statement about the strategic perspective—which suggests to me that there is a good deal more work to do on it—there is a general goodwill to take it forward. I make that point to the noble Lords, Lord Bowness and Lord Dykes, who specifically raised the problem. There is no need for member states to say much more about the good sense of it because it is so self-evidently sensible to have a strong strategy. We are agreed about co-operation between the high representative and the Commission. I agree also with the noble Lord, Lord Wallace, that the meetings of chairs of foreign affairs committees is a useful innovation which should be used to its fullest. The Government believe that the high representative should take part in such meetings when he can. But I am keen that this should be a practical observation. I know that Javier Solana has played a vital role in many international negotiations—indeed, I have had the privilege of being present at a number of them—and I would deeply like to see him in Africa, in Kosovo, in parts of Latin America and elsewhere because of the value he can add to such negotiations. So there has to be a practical outcome. My noble friend Lord Harrison made the point that we need to see him but also that he is most effective when he is abroad, a point shared by the noble Lord, Lord Roper. We believe that co-operation between Counciland Commission officials requires closer working relationships but there are already many good examples of it in practice upon which we can draw. We have made it clear that we are in favour of joint papers for discussion. Where such joint papers can be created—and, again, there have been a number of them—they are a reflection of good consensus. Often there are not joint papers because there has not been enough consensus to generate them. One has to be realistic about that. My noble friend Lord Harrison asked about information exchange. The Government have said—not half-heartedly—that certain distinct roles limit the way in which reports are prepared. The fact that there are functionally distinct roles will on occasions mean there will have to be some degree of separation. On EU participation in multilateral organisations, there is no difference between the committee andthe Government about the importance of the EU preparing well for multinational meetings because the world looks to the EU for as much coherence as can be achieved on such occasions. I also share the view that, although we cannot say a great deal about the euro-zone for obvious reasons—my noble friend Lord Harrison pushed me on this point—certain treaty obligations involve us and require of us a view. The noble Lord, Lord Dykes, and other noble Lords raised the issue of double-hatting. There is a need for a case-by-case analysis of what will work to the greatest possible effect. Probably no one model would work completely. Whether or not this causes some regret, in my view the prospect for double-hatting in Kosovo is distant; I do not believe it will happen immediately. It is probably several years away because the international community will have to stay in Kosovo for a while and there are different roles and functions to be fulfilled there. Co-operation between the Commission and the Council is obviously extremely important. This is another area where there has been a good deal of co-operation and where pragmatic judgments have led everyone to conclude that it is worth proceeding in this way. I have absolutely no doubt that we can do so within the framework of existing treaties without having to invent other arrangements. I shall return to the point of the noble Lord, Lord Pearson, in more specific detail in due course. As the Minister also responsible for consular assistance, I am wholly with the noble Lord, Lord Roper, on his analysis of the issue. I say to my noble friend Lord Harrison that I am afraid it requires that we take our responsibilities under treaties in a way that does not readily permit the involvement of the Commission. I can say that, from some of the tougher areas of consular work, I would not want us tobe held up by having to develop other kinds of arrangements when the task is helping British citizens who are in significant difficulty abroad. We can act as other countries act on behalf of their citizens. There has been a good deal of sharing, none the less. I saw it in the evacuation from Beirut, a huge operation by any standards. I was always delighted when we could achieve that. Sub-Committee C mentions that premises and support services should be shared on a case-by-case basis, as has been put to me by the noble Lord, Lord Wallace, and my noble friend Lord Harrison, and there are many examples of that working. I do not think there will be a lot of new build of joint embassies and facilities from the current financial perspective, much as I might wish it to be otherwise. There are also occasions when people are not desperately keen to do this because various countries have different views about the level of security, for example, or about the way they want to present themselves through their missions. We all have to make our judgments on that. Occasionally, though, sharing buildings, security or basic facilities can improve the security of our missions when they are serving abroad. That can make it a much easier task for those missions to do what we need them to do, without having to be distracted by the needs that unfortunately press in around areas like security. The staff exchange programme is a good initiative, and we will certainly be closely involved in it. I think all member states have secondees at both the Commission and the Council but, Brussels being Brussels, I am not able to tell your Lordships’ House how many of them there are or where they are. Still, when you go there, you see them. I can tell you about our country, where we do keep the information. We already have secondees from member states—