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Defence Policy

Like other hon. Members, I begin by honouring the work that our armed forces are undertaking, especially in Afghanistan and Iraq, and by paying tribute to those who have been wounded and who have died. This is the first time that I have spoken in a defence debate since my election to this House in 2001, which might suggest to Members, if they did not already know, that I am not a defence expert. The main threat to our armed services abroad is, of course, the same as that which endangers us at home, although less directly. Defence policy and security policy are inextricably linked. It is in that context that I want to consider a matter raised by the hon. Member for North Devon (Nick Harvey)—the domestic and foreign implications of recent US military action in Pakistan. As some hon. Members know, I have the largest number of Muslim constituents of any official Opposition Member. Those who seek to defeat our armed forces in Iraq and Afghanistan usually claim to act in the name of their religion. My constituents, together with the overwhelming majority of British Muslims, reject that claim unambiguously, but have been troubled, as we all have, by those who seek to drive a wedge between British Muslims and their fellow citizens of other religions and none, and whose key strategic aim is to win the hearts and minds of young British Muslims, to denigrate Britain's mainstream Muslim leadership as ““kuffar”” and, ultimately, to replace that leadership with the leadership of extremists. Those who worship at Islamic religious institutions in my constituency come mostly from a deeply traditional Islamic background and originate largely from Azad Kashmir and Pakistan, as do up to 1 million other British citizens. I wish, therefore, to address Pakistan and its role in relation to our defence and security. The movement of people between Britain and Pakistan is habitual and frequent, and enriches both countries. I have visited Pakistan and Kashmir twice and addressed meetings there, present at which were many British citizens planning to return to Britain in due course. What happens in Pakistan and Kashmir touches many British Muslims more directly than events elsewhere and nearer to home, and events are taking place in Pakistan that directly affect the security of that country, which is of course an ally. On 3 September, US forces launched a ground raid into Jalal Khel, a village in south Waziristan near the Afghanistan border. About two dozen people were killed. The Americans claimed that they were insurgents, but the Pakistan Government said that they were civilians. I appreciate that the truth is often hard to establish in a war in which insurgents do not wear uniforms. However, the raid was not a solitary incident. In recent weeks the US has launched repeated missile strikes in Pakistan. It has been claimed that George Bush, in the final months of his presidency, has signed an executive order giving US special forces carte blanche to operate in Pakistan. These events have been closely followed in Britain by citizens of Pakistani and Kashmiri origin. We must, of course, appreciate that the war in Afghanistan in which British lives are at risk does not stop at the border. I understand, as we all should, the frustration of US and NATO commanders who know well that plots hatched in Pakistan cost blood and treasure, as the saying has it, in Afghanistan. Some may believe, not altogether without reason, that Pakistan is doing less than it could to combat insurgency in the tribal areas, to which Pakistan, of course, will counter that it has already done much at the cost of some 1,400 Pakistani lives—another sacrifice that we should honour. We should be unwilling to comment on any individual action. None the less, I believe that we should draw some definite general conclusions in the interests of our security and our defence. Pakistan is not in a stable condition, to put it mildly. That is not to say that it is in the grip of extremism, as some reporting suggests. That would be a grotesque misrepresentation. In the recent elections, the extremists fared poorly, even in the north-western areas, which are sometimes portrayed by parts of our media as a hotbed of unchallenged fanaticism. The Pakistan Peoples party, which won most seats in February's election after the terrible murder of Benazir Bhutto, is essentially a moderate party. Pakistan has an articulate, educated and westward-looking middle class. The vast majority of people there want what people everywhere want: prosperity, security and freedom. However, as I say, Pakistan is deeply troubled at present. We have seen the recent film footage of the terrible explosion in Islamabad, which cost the lives of more than 40 people, and we remember the Bhutto murder. The moderation of the people of Pakistan must never be underestimated, but one would be bold to predict a trouble-free future for that country in the medium term and especially in the short term. A key British strategic aim must therefore be to support the fledgling Government of Pakistan. The US military intervention is having an unwelcome effect in Islamabad. Only last week, Pakistan's Parliament passed a unanimous resolution calling for an end to military action. It urged an urgent review of national security. I appreciate that there is a dispute about the effect of the resolution and that it was not a reaction to US actions alone. Pakistani politicians are well aware of the Saudi peace initiative, but this development was worrying. As I say, we should be unwilling to comment on any individual action. We have to ask ourselves some hard questions. Are those actions likely to inflame extremism in Pakistan? The answer is yes. Are they likely to have a significant effect on countering the insurgency? I am not a military expert, but I suspect that the answer is no. Is the damage that they do in driving up extremism in Pakistan greater than any good that they might do in countering insurgency? Again, I am afraid, the answer must be yes. That harm has repercussions here at home. There is no need for me to labour that point. Those on the Treasury Bench have a responsibility this afternoon. I look to the Minister who responds to the debate to make it crystal clear that the Government believe that as a rule there should be no military intervention by outside forces in Pakistan without the permission of its Government and that any such intervention damages our defence interests, compromises our security and undermines the position of a key ally at a time of great need.