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Northern Ireland

My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for repeating that welcome Statement. Once again, its length and language show the personal hand of the Prime Minister, and for once I do not offer that as any criticism. The Prime Minister has clearly felt and lived up to a high sense of duty that transcends party allegiance, as did the Taoiseach and the Northern Ireland politicians involved. Everyone in the House would thank him and them for that, as will the patient, good people of Northern Ireland. We all hope that this latest agreement will be another step on the road to a secure peace under the rule of an impartial and independently executed law. It has been a long road. The opening pages of the Statement said a new world began in 1998. I was therefore glad to hear glancing references not only to Mr Blair but also to Sir John Major. After the brutal blows handed to my party by IRA and INLA terrorism, still so painfully remembered today, it was not an easy choice to make. However, it was the right choice to make to try and take the Armalite out of Ulster politics. I welcome further decommissioning by the INLA and the official IRA. We support devolution in Northern Ireland, and so we also welcome this agreement between Democratic Unionists and Sinn Fein. We support the principle of policing and justice powers being devolved to Stormont. That is why, as my right honourable friend Mr Cameron earlier told another place, we backed legislation last year, and why we will honour the financial package in the agreement. Our prime objective will always be a peaceful, prosperous and stable Northern Ireland in which all parts of the community share. However, amid the optimism surrounding this agreement we need a cold, open-eyed realism. Can the noble Baroness tell us whether there has been any progress in getting the Real and Continuity IRA to lay down arms? In fact, is there hope that this agreement will change that? How many of the so-called dissident republicans referred to in the Statement are in arms? We have come a long way, but as the noble Baroness said, the cowardly attack on Constable Heffron last month shows that real dangers endure. Can the noble Baroness answer several specific questions? First, is there any significance in the change from the phrase ““operational independence”” of the police to ““operational responsibility””? Secondly, the agreement proposes the transfer of police and justice powers on 12 April. Under the current law, the department of justice in Northern Ireland, which will be responsible for these matters, will be dissolved on 1 May 2012 unless there is agreement on a replacement. Is there a risk of another set of very difficult negotiations unless this is resolved now? Thirdly, the Parades Commission has just three weeks from 9 February to agree its proposals. Will the vote on policing and justice powers in the Assembly on 9 March go ahead even if that deadline is not met? Fourthly, the First and Deputy First Ministers are to examine unimplemented elements of the St Andrews agreement. What issues will that cover? Fifthly, last week’s agreement is between just two of the four parties at Stormont. Can the noble Baroness assure the House that no specific concerns have been raised by any other parties? Finally, there are several reports of other agreements not included in the formal text. Will the noble Baroness clarify whether these exist; and, if they do, will she undertake to lay a document before the House? In fact, if the noble Baroness would prefer to respond to any of my questions by letter, I would be happy to receive it. The devolution of policing and justice is something that we have to get right. Without the impartial and fearless rule of law, there is no true freedom. We hope now that the politicians of Northern Ireland will focus on the issues that people care about most: health, housing, schools, jobs and social deprivation. We should all pray that we will see a return to normal, democratic, devolved politics in a long-tormented Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom.