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Energy: Draft National Policy Statement for Nuclear Power Generation (EN-6)

My Lords, I am very pleased to follow the noble Baroness, not least because she used the word "joy". I remember at the beginning of his speech the noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, speaking about a dreary history. I was surprised that all the enthusiasts for nuclear power in this Room were so gloomy about the prospects and so critical about what was going to happen. Perhaps I should start by declaring an interest. I am the chairman of the Nuclear Industry Association, which is the trade association for the industry. It is a paid position. I have been a long-term advocate of nuclear power and so I am very pleased and proud to be able to hold that post. As I have been a long-term supporter of nuclear power, this document bred in me a sense of impatience, because I felt that it should have come out earlier. Having said that, once it was published, I could see why it took a long time to produce. We should bear in mind the problems that we have had over nuclear power during the past 20 years. I want to get this point on the record because people across the other side of this Room seem to be suffering from selective amnesia. As I recall, Sizewell B was completed in about 1995, but we have yet to see Sizewell C. That was more than a gleam in the eyes of Tory Ministers; it was a commitment that was quietly dropped in exactly the same way as consideration of sites for waste disposal was dropped when it appeared that there were too many of them in Tory seats. Let us get the record straight on this. I say to the noble Lord, Lord Jenkin, that that is not rubbish, because it is clear that he has conveniently chosen to forget. As I recall, on the whole question of siting nuclear waste facilities, only one Member of Parliament, Tam Dalyell, was actually prepared to volunteer his constituency—and that was long before the days of voluntarism. It was only when he got back to West Lothian that another West Lothian question was asked. Tam found that it was not the answer he was looking for. His view was shared by many Old Etonians on both sides of the House in the late 1980s and early 1990s. My point is that this document is important because it deals with the implications of the Planning Act and trying to ensure that they are properly understood. The length of time that it took to produce the document reflects not only its rigour but the fact that the resources available to DECC to undertake the work which it is now responsible for should, frankly, be enhanced. It would have been good to have had this document before the summer, but we know the strains that are imposed, and are continuing to be imposed, on that department. As a fledgling department, it does not have the breadth and depth of staff necessary to do the job. That does not imply any disrespect to those currently in employment there; there just needs to be many more of them to get on with the job at the rate at which it needs to be done. All parties are responsible for the delays which have taken place. I was the Labour Party’s shadow Energy Minister in the early 1990s. It was explained to me by Tony Cooper, the then general secretary of the power station managers’ union, that a sizeable number of nuclear power stations were to be closed in the middle of what is now this decade and that something would have to be done to fill the gap. In those days we were faced with a choice. We had plenty of gas, but it would be dangerous to become over-dependent on it. Coal production was closing down at a considerable rate for reasons into which we need not go. The point that I wish to get across is that it has been self-evident that the opportunities offered by renewables and by coppice burning, which was to be one of the cornerstones of Liberal energy policy in days gone by, would produce nothing as great as that required to deal with the emerging gap in energy generation. Given that we are faced with the rush for generation capability, we need to ensure that the planning process, which is one of the historical obstacles to rapid development of major projects—not just for energy, but a variety of purposes—is dealt with effectively and rigorously. The planning process has been characterised as an adventure playground for vexatious litigants and their filibustering legal advisers. That should not mean that if we are to change the process it should be any less rigorous, but it certainly could be quicker. We should be able to have not only due process but proper consideration of the objections. We have heard already today some of the points which could well emerge in the process as the IPC undertakes its work. When one reads at least the first four parts of the document, one cannot but be impressed by the comprehensive character of the considerations that the Infrastructure Planning Commission will have to take into account. Northern Ireland is discounted. Scotland merits a mention in respect of the reserved character of energy in the devolution settlement. Whether our energy needs will require the continued contribution from the sites at Hunterston and Torness does not concern us today, but the relatively longer life of the Torness site could well enable it to be used for future reactor construction. It is interesting that those who call for the inclusion of Hunterston reflect concerns about the socio-economic aspects of the case. We know that nuclear power stations offer well paid, high-quality employment for people who become assets to the community. The emergence of talented, capable families does a great deal to enhance education and the social and cultural life of the area. In many instances, although Hunterston or Torness are not particularly isolated, some of these communities are fairly isolated and the injection of a rich group of well qualified people—I mean rich in talent—is of great significance. I well understand why a number of people want power stations retained on particular sites. Speaking as a Scot, I think that the prospect of well paid employment in Scotland is more than a passing consideration. I shall dwell on Scotland for a moment. Nuclear power has had great significance in the past 50 or 60 years of its industrial and economic history and has made a major contribution to our industrial life. That can be seen in research and engineering and in the quality of a number of big firms; for example, the Weir Group, Doosan Babcock or Rolls-Royce in its varying forms. A number of household names in engineering are rooted in the Scottish power generation experience. It is paradoxical that the only distinctive things that an openly opportunistic crowd like the Nats have are their commitment to a separate Scottish state and their antagonism to all things nuclear. It is one of the considerations that are turning the Scottish electorate away from them. They have experienced a minority Scottish National Government at Holyrood for the past two years or so, and they are turning away from them in droves. I hope that this Scottish dimension to the problem will be resolved in the forthcoming general election and, beyond that, at the election for the Scottish Parliament, when I think they will be tossed out and wiser counsels will prevail about whether there should be continuing generation at nuclear power stations in Scotland.