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Address in Reply to Her Majesty's Most Gracious Speech

My Lords, in the Queen's Speech we saw the reference to Wales and the proposal that there will be a White Paper on the extended powers for the Welsh Assembly. Wales is of course a very gentle and peaceful country. Many leaders of the peace movement over the years have come from Wales. Some will remember the work of the Davies family of Llandinam, of Henry Richard and of Gwynfor Evans, the first Plaid Cymru Member of the House of Commons, who died recently and to whom Wales is very much indebted, particularly in the realm of peace. We are not a warlike people. You go on to the rugby field and meet the New Zealand team and their Haka, and you are scared to death before you start to play. But we in Wales, though we won the Grand Slam, have a comparatively more gentle way of tackling this particular matter. We are a peaceful people. So it is with our development over the years, which is a development not of revolution but of evolution—a nation treasuring its identity and seeking to safeguard that uniqueness in every possible way. Each nation has its traditions and culture to preserve, and the secret is to take our place in the wider world while at the same time preserving our national identity. I would claim that Wales has taken its place in the wider world. I never cease to remind people that Abraham Lincoln's great grandmother came from the Conwy valley, from Ysbyty Ifan, or that Thomas Jefferson and his family came from Llanberis. There are many more. Wales has sought to protect its own identity and at the same time to contribute not only to the United Kingdom but also to an even wider world. Over the past 150 years we have seen a development in Wales, in which we seem to be reclaiming that identity in a firmer way than for many years before. There has been the disestablishment of the Church of England and the establishment of a museum, a national library, a university, a board of education, a board of health and an independent television channel—S4C. Those have all helped to safeguard that Welsh identity. And then of course we had a Minister of State for Wales in 1957; and then Jim Griffiths, whom people held in great respect, whichever party they belonged to, took his place in the Cabinet in 1964 as the first Secretary of State for Wales. We see a gradual development—a peaceful people who do not want revolution but do want to claim their own identity. When Jim Griffiths took his place, the Welsh Office took control of expenditure in Wales. So we have seen a move during the past century towards a greater autonomy in Wales. In 1979, the first referendum did not bring about that assembly or senate that we desired. We had to wait 18 more years, until 1997, when the Labour Party kept its promise, and we had that referendum which by the narrowest of margins saw the establishment of an Assembly in Cardiff. The powers of that Assembly are limited, however: it does not have powers for primary legislation, and Westminster still controls the purse strings. That is not so in Scotland. In Holyrood, in Edinburgh, there is far more freedom to decide on Scottish matters and, if necessary, to raise up to 3p in the pound to fund new projects. Not so in Wales. Every parish or community council has a right to levy a precept, but not the Welsh Assembly. There is also an uncertainty over authority. Certain responsibilities need clarification. When, just before the general election, we debated the Education Bill, we realised the fudge—the uncertainty of responsibilities between Cardiff and Westminster. We need to clarify in that direction. We need to sort out those uncertainties, and we welcome the intention to present a new White Paper on the government of Wales, to be followed by a Bill. We on these Benches will co-operate wholeheartedly in ensuring that any new proposals will benefit Wales and the people of Wales. All the way the emphasis is not on revolution but on evolution. We search for ways to make the Assembly more effective and better able to act in the devolved areas, such as education, health and agriculture. There appears to be no reason at all why Wales should not be given full authority and primary legislative powers in those areas. Scotland already has those powers, and those who accuse the Welsh Assembly of being merely a talking shop would have to think again. What is good enough for our Celtic cousins north of the Border would be good enough for us in Wales. With added authority and ability to act speedily and effectively on Welsh issues some of those who now seek election to the Westminster Parliament might see that their contribution could be even more effective if they took their place in Cardiff in the Welsh Assembly. It would strengthen the membership of that Assembly. The all-party commission of the noble Lord, Lord Richard, favoured such a development. The proposal is that by 2011 the Welsh Assembly should have primary legislative powers. We await with great interest the publication of the White Paper to see whether it goes along with those recommendations. It will be a two-stage process if the White Paper agrees with the commission; removing at the second stage any veto Westminster might have over decisions made by the Assembly. We need a firm timetable to make certain that by 2011 the new powers are granted fully and the Assembly is given those new opportunities. We want a definite timetable, not just a vague undertaking to do something some time. There should be automatic progression in any stage process. I hope that today we can be told when to expect the White Paper and when the Government will publish the Bill to enhance the Assembly's stature. I remember well the feeling of elation when the result of the 1997 referendum was announced. In one sense we felt that we were a nation again: we had reclaimed the territory. A new government of Wales Bill could be another historic step in that direction.