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European Council

I warmly welcome the European Council’s declaration on Belarus—in particular, the call to release those already detained—and we welcome the announcement that measures will be taken against those responsible in the regime. Can the Foreign Secretary tell us more about the measures being considered against Europe’s last dictatorship? Does he agree that the free flow of information is a sure way to undermine tyranny? What more can be done to ensure that the people of Belarus are better able to learn what the outside world is really like and hear an alternative view to that of their Government? I welcome the conclusion of talks with the Government of Gibraltar and the commitment to hold a referendum. Will the Foreign Secretary confirm whether all this means that his previous commitments to share sovereignty with Spain are now entirely null and void? Can the Foreign Secretary tell us about some other important matters that were meant to be discussed in the margins of the Council? Will he confirm whether the Government are advocating a new round of talks between Iran, Britain, France, Germany, Russia and China? What would be the conditions for such talks? What approach to aid and funding will be taken by the EU if the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority does not the meet the criteria set by the Quartet? On economic reform and the Lisbon agenda, does the Foreign Secretary agree that it is now clear that the EU is regrettably not on course to become the world’s most dynamic and competitive economy by 2010 and, since the Prime Minister started to admit mistakes over the weekend, that it was a mistake for him to describe the Lisbon agenda six years ago in the House as a"““sea change in European economic thinking””," with"““concrete measures with clear deadlines””?—[Official Report, 27 March 2000; Vol. 347, c. 21]—" just as the Prime Minister now thinks that it was a mistake for him to take the concrete measure of setting a date for his own resignation, albeit without the clear deadline long favoured by the Chancellor of the Exchequer? Will the Foreign Secretary acknowledge that the EU is now locked in a pattern of relative economic decline? Can he tell us why the Italian-led joint memorandum against protectionism did not go forward, whether the Government intended to sign such a memorandum and why the British Government did not press ahead with their own version? Does he not think that Britain can give a still stronger lead on such an important issue? Is it not alarming that the figures hidden away in annexe 1 of the Council conclusions show that we are investing a smaller share of our national wealth in research and development than the Scandinavian countries, France, Germany or Belgium and that, far from closing the gap, Britain’s R and D spending is falling? Does the Foreign Secretary agree with the Chancellor that"““it is unacceptable that fifty per cent or more of regulations come from the European Union””?" Can the Foreign Secretary tell us what specific EU regulations the Chancellor has pressed to be cut or blocked and what representations the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister made in that direction at the summit? As for targets to reduce the burdens on business, which were also talked about at the summit, is not a rise in the burden of regulation on business of £50 billion since 1997 a poor way to convince our partners that the Government believe in making business more competitive? On the services directive, will the Foreign Secretary now state a clearer view by agreeing with me that the removal of the country of origin principle was a grave mistake and that we need a strong liberalising directive with the freedom to provide cross-border services in the Commission’s modified proposal? Is not a free market in services one of the things that the EU was supposed to be about? We welcome the emphasis in the conclusions on a real, liberalised single market in energy, with better co-operation between national energy regulators. Will the Foreign Secretary confirm that the proposal for a European energy regulator has been rejected? Does he agree that the Commission’s priority must be to ensure that the associated single market rules are enforced? On powers to negotiate energy supply agreements with third parties, although increased co-operation may bring benefits in some areas, does he agree that member states must retain the right to make their own arrangements? I welcome the insistence in the conclusions that energy mix is for member states to decide, but can he tell us how the energy policy for Europe will affect the Government’s domestic energy review? The EU constitution was also discussed at the summit. Did Ministers make it plain to our partners that it is the Government’s view, as the Foreign Secretary has often tactfully expressed it to the House, that the constitution is dead, so that others are not tempted to try to revive a deeply flawed idea that has already been rejected by two of the founding member states of the EU? Will the Foreign Secretary now admit another of the Government’s mistakes? Their lack of leadership at the time let others put forward a constitution that the Government did not really want. Will he accept that, if that mistake is not to be repeated, the Government must set out their view and their vision soon, and plainly, or others will again make the running?