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Africa: Governance and Law

My Lords, the noble Earl, Lord Sandwich, has rightly received the unanimous congratulations of those who have spoken. It is extremely opportune that he should have secured the debate and given us his views on strengthening the rule of law in Africa. I particularly enjoyed his comments on progress in Kenya and in Uganda, from which I recently returned from an FCO/CPA workshop. The noble Earl drew attention to the progress or otherwise of NEPAD, a matter to which I shall come back. The noble Lord, Lord Joffe, pointed out that Africa is not without good government and the rule of law and gave some telling examples to encourage us. The noble Lord, Lord Sheikh, gave an insight into his personal roots in Kenya. He was followed by my noble friend Lord Steel, who drew attention to the good news in Africa, in Ghana and Zambia. However, he raised his concerns about the cutting of UK representation in many African states and about where the UK-China dialogue over Africa was going. The noble Lord, Lord Anderson, kindly drew attention to my small attempts to bring this issue forward as part of the Africa All-Party Parliamentary Group’s report on strengthening parliaments there. Just over a year ago, in March 2008, the all-party group published its report Strengthening Parliaments in Africa. In July of that year, as the group’s vice-chairman and an AWEPA council member in this Parliament, I was fortunate enough to secure a short debate on the report. The issues highlighted in its overarching recommendations are as valid and pertinent now as they were then. In particular, I stress the importance that the report put on the understanding of parliaments in their political context; on engaging local demand and encouraging local ownership of parliamentary strengthening by local MPs, political parties and other local actors; on the co-ordination by development partners together, not operating independently, but working in step, who by their actions can ensure that parliamentary strengthening is evidence based; and on ensuring that development work does not marginalise or undermine local parliaments, which should be encouraged to play their full part in and take ownership of the process. On more present issues, sub-Saharan west Africa is one of the most troubling regions of the African continent, particularly the cluster of nation states running from the Côte d’Ivoire in the south to Senegal in the north. While Liberia and Sierra Leone have come through bitter and brutal civil wars and have resolved the problems with displaced persons in the refugee camps on the borders—I saw that for myself just a few years ago—neighbouring Guinea and now Guinea-Bissau are capturing the headlines. A military coup in Guinea in late December of last year and the assassination of the President of Guinea-Bissau this week have caused outrage and turmoil. Of particular concern to us is that these west coast African states have in the past few years become a gateway for Colombian narcotics dealers, the drug barons, to import drugs on a massive scale bound for Europe in a way that has never been seen before. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime reckons that some 50 tonnes of cocaine, worth approximately £1.4 billion, pass through that territory on its way to Europe each and every year. The sheer value of this drug, transported through one of the world’s poorest regions, dwarfs the entire economies of some countries and corrupts their security forces and politicians. Just two months after the coup in Guinea, led by Captain Camara, immediately following the death of President Lansana Conté, the late President’s son and his brother-in-law were arrested together with senior police officials on drugs-smuggling charges. There have been confessions by Colombian partners on television in Guinea. Evidence has been produced that drugs hauls, seen and apparently burnt before the national television cameras, were switched at the last minute for a bogus white powder by corrupt officials who then sold the real drugs on in the open market. This is corruption at the highest level. That will, I hope, now stop with this new regime. Do the Government recognise the extent of this drugs threat and do they have plans to combat it? Can the Government provide us with an update on the arrests made by the military junta in Guinea? We should note the success of officials from the UK’s Serious Organised Crime Agency in working with Sierra Leone police to secure the arrest of some 17 suspected drug dealers, impounding a plane that was disguised with false Red Cross markings and carrying over 700 kilograms of cocaine. Thanks to the intervention and guidance of our officials, these people were arrested. Given that success, do the Government have plans to provide similar levels of assistance to other west African countries battling against the international drugs trade? The reaction to these events within Africa shows that African institutions are now active in seeking to resolve conflicts and strengthen democracy and the rule of law. The African Union has condemned the coup in Guinea and formed a contact group with ECOWAS, the Mano River Union and others to press for early democratic parliamentary elections. That style of outcome follows routes envisaged in the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, which was created by the African Union in 2001. The project’s key goals—creating political climates rooted in equity, justice and good governance, and developing transparent and accountable democracy based on the rule of law—are part of that process. Eight years on, even ardent supporters are questioning the slow pace of progress. Nevertheless, NEPAD’s key component, the African Peer Review Mechanism, to which the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, referred, is widely acknowledged and accepted. The APRM indicates the steps that can be taken to secure high standards of political and economic practice—the standards that are needed to attract investors in development partnerships. An impressive list of some 29 nation states signed a memorandum of understanding to formally join the APRM, but the danger is that the MOU becomes merely an expression of interest. To date only three countries have been able to complete all the phases of the APRM. Progress has clearly been slow, but we should not let pessimism stifle a project that has so much to offer Africa in terms of producing measures within the APRM that can be taken to establish accountability, transparency and free and fair elections. Since 2001, NEPAD programmes and priorities have been implemented in many respects. African leaders are now managing conflicts, championing democracy, embracing human rights, adopting sound economic policies and nurturing civil society’s role in their countries. Although only a few countries have been reviewed under the APRM, the mechanism provides a platform to evaluate each nation’s efforts at productive and representative governance. An important spur to engage more robustly in the APRM process comes from essential development partners, such as the G8 and the African Development Bank. These institutions are making it clear that the seriousness with which they will take the commitment of individual African countries to reform will be guided by their APRM score sheet. There are good reasons for the African Union to give NEPAD more teeth. At present, however, there appears to be mounting criticism of NEPAD’s declining profile among Africans. Since President Obasanjo and President Mbeki left the scene and President Wade and President Bouteflika have had to face other challenges, NEPAD has ceased to be a talking point in political fora. There is now a call to produce new champions of NEPAD. The editorial of 23 February 2009 in Nigeria’s ThisDay said: ""In an era of harsh global economic realities, Africa cannot afford to expect any largesse from donor countries and agencies. It is time for African leaders to reposition and face squarely NEPAD’s priority areas of market access and tourism, environment, education, health, science and technology, agriculture, infrastructure and political and corporate governance"." This is a clear call from the editor of the leading African newspaper for politicians to be accountable to their people through their parliaments. Who are we to disagree, except to add that the people of Africa expect and deserve nothing less?