---

Queen’s Speech

My Lords, I am pleased to follow the noble Baroness, Lady Williams of Crosby, although I cannot compete with her global sweep. I shall focus, essentially, on Israel and Palestine. I appreciated the speech of the noble Lord, Lord Turnberg, who brought some good news of modest improvements in the West Bank and encouraging words about medical co-operation. We welcome them very much. I urge Her Majesty’s Government and those responsible for European Union policy to approach the Middle East with a proper and necessary sense of humility. We should recognise that our actions—and, indeed, our inaction—have led to the wasted years of a so-called peace process, with no real peace and at least three brutal and devastating wars, beginning in 2003. Since the Oslo agreements we have squandered millions of pounds in propping up doubtful regimes, only to see the buildings we had paid for destroyed and damaged. One lesson we might well learn is not to set unrealistic preconditions. My arguments in several previous debates in your Lordships’ House about including the Hamas movement now have, I am glad to say, the support of many far more eminent people. Our new humility should include a sympathetic understanding of both Israel and Palestine. Israelis remember centuries of persecution, largely in European states, culminating in the Nazi attempt at genocide. They recall how nearly they were defeated in 1947-48 and how many wars they have had to fight since then. They say, with some justification, that when they pulled out of Lebanon and Gaza, all they got was rockets in return. They fear that similar rockets could be fired at them from the West Bank. On the other side, we have to understand the pent-up anger and frustration of Palestinians over their sufferings. The Naqba, or disaster, uprooted Palestinians, who now number millions of refugees and exiles scattered through the Middle East and beyond. Gaza endured 49 years of occupation, four years of isolation from the rest of the world and blockade, and one month of devastating attack last winter. The West Bank has suffered 42 years of hostile military occupation, with ever increasing enemy colonisation and very limited freedom of movement. Some 9,000 Palestinians are now in Israeli jails, including 21 members of their elected Parliament, not to speak of women, youths and children. Both sides long, however, for real peace, bringing with it mutual security, recognition and legitimacy. I was recently at a mixed joint conference in Jerusalem which produced some hopeful and useful ideas. The first encourages both sides to think beyond their own narrow national interests. Could they find and adopt transcendent goals in ways similar to the behaviour of the French, Germans and others following the Second World War, avoiding revenge but building the future? If this happened, the whole region would be transformed. Such a change is urgent, if only because of the huge proportion of the total population who are now under 25 and often unemployed. Both Israel and Palestine, in fact or potentially, contain important national minorities. Israel has well over 1 million Palestinian citizens. Within Palestine, Israeli economic, rather than ideological, migrants could remain in the future where they now are, provided that they accept Palestinian jurisdiction. Each of the two states could come to see its national minority not as a liability but rather as an asset. This would, of course, depend on both sides complying with best international practice. There is much talk and uncertainty about the Palestinian elections due in January next year. Could these be used most constructively to elect a new Palestinian Government rather than a Palestinian Authority, or the PLO, or the Palestinian National Council? The religious leaders in Israel and Palestine have a distinct contribution to make towards real peace. More than 10 years ago, the noble and right Reverend Lord, Lord Carey, helped both sets of leaders to come together for the first time. They then jointly produced the admirable Alexandria Declaration. It is sad that there has been so little follow up to this. As religious people can be found among the hardliners on both sides, there is plenty of scope for including the extremes and consolidating the moderates. Unilateral measures, taken by all sides and parties, could also be helpful. These are most likely to be constructive if they are carefully co-ordinated. Alas, this has seldom been the case in the past. I have in mind particularly the release of captives and detainees and the building of a transport link to connect Gaza and the West Bank. Mutual security and intelligence sharing is another area where small beginnings have been made but much more is needed. The last important multilateral peace conference was held in Madrid in 1991. There are those who argue that the Arab League peace initiative, now seven years old, could form the basis for a new conference. If perchance a regional framework could in that way be agreed, it might become a little less difficult to work two states of Israel and Palestine into such a framework. Such an approach may require security guarantees, peacekeeping forces and effective inward investment. The resulting gains for Israel, Palestine, the region and, indirectly, for Europe and the whole world are so great as to be barely describable. Our policy, as I suggested earlier, should be humble but realistic, understanding of basic needs and interests, and patiently working to include all parties in conflict resolution rather than in unsatisfying conflict management. Time, as has been said earlier today, is not on anyone’s side.