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Queen’s Speech

My Lords, as ever, we have had a stunning, and often moving, array of speeches today that were far wider ranging than the Queen's Speech, and it will be only a few months before we have another Queen’s Speech. However, I shall look at the specific proposals in this speech. The Bribery Bill will bring the UK into line with international anti-bribery rules by making it an offence to attempt to bribe foreign officials, and it is long overdue. It ought to have prevented the outrageous decision to halt the Serious Fraud Office’s investigation into allegations of corruption in BAE arms sales. Then there is the Cluster Munitions (Prohibition) Bill about which the noble Lord, Lord Dubs, spoke and on which his campaigning has been tireless. It is also very welcome, although it is, again, belated. It was astonishing that the Government so dragged their feet over this issue. The Convention on Cluster Munitions, which the Bill will bring into UK law, is comprehensive. It was said, when DfID pressed for this under Hilary Benn but the MoD resisted, that this was not only because the UK possessed cluster bombs but because both the US and the UK had been using them in Iraq. Will the Minister say whether these weapons were used in Iraq? If they were, were they mapped and what is being done to remove them safely? The convention also provides for extensive assistance to affected individuals, families and communities, setting new standards for international human rights and humanitarian law. I trust that we will see all this in UK legislation. Will the Minister confirm that? Then there is draft legislation, ""to make binding my Government’s commitment to spend 0.7 per cent of national income on international development from 2013"." Many noble Lords—including the right reverend Prelates the Bishops of Bath and Wells and of Winchester; the noble Viscount, Lord Eccles; the noble Earl, Lord Sandwich; and my noble friends Lord Chidgey and Lady Williams—have mentioned this. Such a pledge is of course welcome. The Prime Minister stated in his speech at his party conference that, ""what was once an aspiration—0.7 per cent of national income spent on international development aid, has become with Labour a promise, and will in future become a law. We will pass legislation that the British government is obliged to raise spending on aid to the poorest countries to 0.7 per cent of our national income. Others may break their promises to the poorest; with Labour Britain never will"." This was a clever move that attempted to bind the next Government to meet this target. If the Conservatives won the election, they would have the difficulty and embarrassment of breaking the law, repealing it or implementing it, despite having clearly very mixed views deep down about this commitment. When they left office in 1997, the level stood at 0.26 per cent, and I find few Conservative MPs involved in development issues. We have long supported the 0.7 per cent target—indeed, we were the first party to do so—but, as my noble friend Lady Williams has pointed out, under Labour we are nowhere near the target. I checked with the Library for the latest figures, and it gave these: 0.36 per cent in 2007 and 0.43 per cent in 2008. That is better by far than the Tories, but not brilliant. Will the Minister say how likely it is that a Bill with a 0.7 per cent target will reach the statute book by the general election? Does she agree that a commitment only to a draft Bill, with the election coming, is in effect the same as dropping the pledge? It would have been such a quick and simple Bill, but it is now a draft Bill. The Queen’s Speech talks of, ""effective global and European collaboration through the G20 and the European Union to sustain economic recovery and to combat climate change"." Many speakers today have mentioned the potential impact of climate change. Where does the Minister think we are in reaching a deal in Copenhagen? Are we indeed backing away from a deal and into a "framework" for a deal—the term used by the noble Baroness, Lady Kinnock? What does that mean, and when might the strong commitments that are required be put into place? Today, millions of people across the world are suffering from the effects of climate change. By 2050, if not enough is done to stem a rise in global temperatures, at least 30 million more people will go hungry and 250 million more people will be forced to leave their homes. The noble Lord, Lord Jay, mentioned regions of Africa, such as Sudan, Liberia and Somalia, in which conflict can be predicted even now. Let us now try adding in climate change. We already see that the conflict in Sudan is being worsened by the spread of the Sahara and thus by the displacement of the Janjaweed, which has caused such terror elsewhere. We can see the seeds of future conflict in climate change as people go hungry, migrate and target the land and resources of others. We know that it is in everyone’s interest to take this forward. As Professor Beddington, the Government’s Chief Scientific Adviser, pointed out at a DfID seminar the other day, with increases in population, urbanisation and development, by 2030, the demand for food and energy is likely to increase by 50 per cent and for water by 30 per cent. Add in climate change and we potentially face, as he put it, "a perfect storm". Climate change will continue even if there is an agreement at Copenhagen. The differential effects of that, especially at the poles and therefore on water levels, are potentially disastrous. So in Africa you could see high levels of forest fires, droughts, water stress, soil salination and changes in disease patterns. As my noble friend Lord Chidgey pointed out, it is the poorest who are the worst hit. You can see that now in the Horn of Africa where drought results in people selling their livestock, on which their futures depend, because they are absolutely desperate. As ever, it is women and children who often suffer, as in most conflicts, the first and the worst. We can already see the pressure on Africa’s farmland as large companies, particularly from China and the Far East, buy up tracts, which may or may not be in the best interests of those in the local area who may be displaced and not receive the food then produced. Will it need a catastrophe close to home to jolt people into action? The speech identifies the need to work internationally on such problem areas as nuclear proliferation, which my noble friend Lady Williams and the noble Lord, Lord Hannay, expertly addressed. It also addresses Afghanistan and Pakistan. Many in this debate have spoken of the dangers in this region. As the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Bath and Wells and others have said, poverty and conflict are intertwined, and long-term peace can be secured in Afghanistan only by tackling this. There seems to be much greater recognition that development is the long-term key to stability. Will the noble Baroness comment on the doctrine for stabilisation operations issued this week and on how the UK will draw in the Taliban? What can be done to minimise civilian losses? I associate these Benches with the condolences expressed by others about the loss of life and injury to our troops in very difficult circumstances in Afghanistan. Does the noble Baroness agree that the troops are overstretched and that this must be addressed? What can she tell us of US decisions in this regard? A theme that has run through this debate has been the need to work with international partners. This is surely so in the Middle East. The noble Lord, Lord Turnberg, made a particularly moving speech and I salute his personal attempts to build bridges. Just as the noble Lord, Lord Jay, sees the development of the UN duty to protect as something whose time must come, so respect for international law must underpin what should happen in the Middle East. It seems to me that justice and hope are inextricably linked. The development of international law surely underpins this. That is why the Goldstone report is such a brave and important development. The fact-finding mission to Gaza was established by the UN Human Rights Council, led by Justice Richard Goldstone, former prosecutor in the Yugoslav and Rwanda trials. It found overwhelming evidence that serious violations of international human rights and humanitarian law were committed particularly by Israel, but also by Palestinian armed groups. Surely they are right that these must be properly investigated. If they are not, these matters should be referred to the International Criminal Court. The UK Government have said that the report is flawed. In what way is it flawed? It does not seek to come to a definitive answer in particular cases; it says that these need to be properly investigated. International law should be applied fairly, whether that is in Israel and Gaza, Sri Lanka, Sudan or northern Uganda. Yes, we should engage and not boycott, but the very fact that an international court is even now considering crimes in Cambodia shows that no one can assume impunity. We are looking towards a general election. There is much that might be commended in Labour’s record. Its commitment to international development was a real change, which should never be forgotten, compared with the lack of priority the Conservatives gave to it when they had a chance. However, Labour has dissipated so much international good will through its disastrous intervention in Iraq. This completely overshadowed action in Afghanistan, which had international agreement but which was sidelined, overshadowed and starved of funds by the Iraqi engagement. Labour’s engagement with the G20, particularly over the financial crisis, and its recognition of the importance now of countries such as China, India and Brazil is welcome. However, its love-hate relationship with the EU has damaged our position there. There is so much more it could have done to explain to the British public why acting with this major bloc with its huge economic power in the world, was in our best interests. As my noble friend Lord Wallace pointed out, how can you properly address climate change, international terrorism and migration unless you do so on an EU-wide basis? Where do the Conservatives stand? It is frankly astonishing, and it should be deeply troubling—not least to opposition Members in this House—to see that, in order to win selection as leader of the Tory Party, David Cameron said that it would break with its former grouping in the European Parliament and form a new group with right-wingers, whom they are now trying to shadow and silence. How could it possibly have thought it was in the UK’s or the EU’s interest to do this? What does it say about principles if they can be thrown to the wind in this way? Does it not give the lie to everything that Cameron says is the new Tory Party? What on earth does it say about how he will respond if he were to head a Government? What on earth would be the UK’s position in the world? As we conclude the consideration of the foreign affairs, defence and international development part of the debate on the last Queen’s Speech of this Parliament, there is a huge array of challenges facing this country and the wider world. However, depending on the general election results, there has to be a major question mark over the UK’s ability in the future to play any kind of constructive part in international affairs, which surely can be the only way we can take forward any resolution to those challenges.