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Planning-gain Supplement (Preparations) Bill

As the House knows, the Communities and Local Government Committee carried out an investigation on the planning gain supplement. I remind Members that it is an all-party Committee, and the view of the Committee was that there were some potential benefits to the planning gain supplement, but that whether those benefits were realised would depend on the detail of the PGS. Evidence was given to the Select Committee by a wide variety of organisations, many of which had also responded directly to the Treasury’s own consultation, on what they perceived to be the likely effects of the tax. Obviously, because that consultation was carried out without any of the details of the tax having been decided on or made clear, in their responses to the consultations many organisations looked at the worst possible case, so they were responding not to a PGS that might be levied at, for example, 20 per cent. or 30 per cent., but to the possibility that it might be levied at 110 per cent., like one of its predecessors. Not surprisingly, at 110 per cent. it was a disaster. One of the Opposition Members pooh-poohed the argument about the rate. Income tax levied at 30 per cent. or 40 per cent. is reasonable. Income tax levied at 99 per cent. clearly would be unreasonable. The rate is therefore relevant to whether a tax is reasonable and operable. It is perfectly reasonable to point out that in all the predecessors to the planning gain supplement, the rate has varied from 52 per cent. to 110 per cent. As I said, at that rather extortionate level, it is not surprising that the tax did not work, but it cannot be logically argued from that that a more reasonable tax would not work. There are merits to the PGS, but the issue is the detail. I welcome the fact that the Treasury responded to the Select Committee report by not rushing straight from the first consultation into firm proposals, but has launched three other consultations on further technical detail. Personally, I think it might be necessary to hold a further consultation once the Treasury has decided on some of the details of PGS. It is an extremely complicated tax, were it to be introduced, and it is important that the Treasury gets the detail right and that external stakeholders are given the opportunity to respond at every stage in the process of implementation of the tax. The more some details are firmed up, the clearer and easier it will be for those organisations to respond on the remaining detail. It is important that we constantly restate the context in which the tax is proposed, which is the failure to build enough houses to meet household growth, particularly but not exclusively in the south-east and in London. Those of us who represent areas in the south-east and in London know well the consequences of that shortage of housing at all levels, including affordable houses, for the lives of our constituents, particularly for the younger generation. That shortage of housing has the potential to set up an unhelpful intergenerational conflict between those of us who are fortunate enough to have bought houses—for example, my first house cost less than £5,000, which is an unimaginably small sum for a three-bedroom house—and those of the same generation as my own children who, even though their earnings in real terms are comparable to what my husband and I earned at the time that we bought our first house, are nowhere near being able to afford a comparable house. That is a generality across the south-east and London. Those of us who have been fortunate need to understand the consequences if younger people coming up cannot afford to buy their own house, even if both partners are in reasonably well paid employment. It is important that we consider ways of funding the infrastructure, because everybody, developers included, is clear that it is not enough to build housing; the infrastructure must be provided in a timely way to support that housing. Clearly, therefore, the infrastructure needs to be funded. The Committee was not wholly convinced that better use could not be made of section 106 powers. Many local authorities use section 106 very effectively, but there are unfortunately many others that do not. The Milton Keynes infrastructure tariff is a particularly imaginative use of section 106 powers, aided by the fact that the Treasury, through English Partnerships, is forward-funding it, which is a crucial part of making it a success. However, as I explained in an earlier intervention, I do not think the infrastructure tariff is generally applicable, though it is being taken up by a couple of other local authorities already—Ashford and Reigate and Banstead—so it is applicable in some cases. Section 106 has not delivered well across the piece. I cite again the example of Kent county council, an authority which, in its evidence to us in one of our other inquiries, made great play of the undeveloped land in Kent that had planning permission but was not being developed. When the witnesses were pressed, it became clear that the land was not being developed because of a lack of funding for the infrastructure that would unlock those sites. Given that Kent county council presumably wishes those sites to be developed, as it has granted planning permission and as Kent has a dire shortage of housing, and given that Kent county council is, on the whole, a fairly well run authority, if it were able to use existing section 106 powers to unlock the funding for the infrastructure that would unlock those sites, I assume it would do so. That in itself demonstrates that there are problems with relying on section 106 if we are to fund the infrastructure properly to provide for the housing that is needed. The Committee asked the Treasury to carry out a cost-benefit analysis of PGS with a scaled-down section 106, as compared with the effective use of section 106, and I hope the Treasury will still do that. That needs to be backed up by a realistic assessment of how effectively good practice on section 106 can be spread across the whole country and a recognition that local authorities of all three political parties are clearly not effectively using section 106 powers at present. We need to consider why they are not doing so, rather than believing that by waving a magic wand we could ensure that all those authorities used section 106 properly in the future. In the lead-up to the introduction of PGS, I hope, in special pleading as a Milton Keynes MP, that the Treasury will consider transitional arrangements— It being one hour after the commencement of proceedings, Mr Deputy Speaker put forthwith the Question already proposed from the Chair, pursuant to Order [this day]. The House divided: Ayes 275, Noes 198.