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Scotland Bill

My Lords, initially I had no sympathy at all with this amendment. I think that is a consequence of political conditioning because I am old enough to be of that generation in politics for whom the imposition of surcharges has a certain resonance that makes one react against them. I do not intend to go into all the reasons for that but those who are old enough to remember surcharges, or the threat of surcharges in the politics of Scotland, particularly in local government at one stage, may well remember why that is the case. Secondly, I instinctively believe that the combination of audit and a PAC according to the Westminster model of government is the appropriate way to deal with these issues. Interestingly, today the Public Accounts Committee, under the leadership of Margaret Hodge, appeared to challenge elements of parliamentary accountability and called for powers to be developed that reflected the changed way in which we deliver services. Margaret Hodge made a very interesting speech today about that issue, which arose out of the controversy associated with the evidence given by civil servants in HMRC about tax deals. For those two reasons I was instinctively opposed to this amendment because I think we have a very valued and flexible constitution in this country that can adjust to circumstances. Indeed, I have faith that the Auditor-General in Scotland and Scotland's own accounts committee should be able to handle these issues, and that the appropriate sanction will be available. The appropriate sanction is the exposure, principally to the electorate, of what those in charge of public spending do with that spending. That is the traditional method by which we redress these issues. I am told by my noble and learned friend that there may be ways of imposing financial penalties on members of the Executive who behave in certain ways, but I do not know the detail of that and I do not wish to speculate on it at the Dispatch Box. I listened to the noble Lord argue for his amendment in a measured way, anticipating that we would probably be able to resolve the example he gave of an improper use of funding for a matter that was outwith the vires of the Scottish Government. It is almost certain that we will find a way of transferring the power—even if temporarily—to the Scottish Government to run the referendum. I would like them to do that more quickly than they plan to do, but I am happy to respect their electoral mandate to administer and run that referendum, provided it is run in an impartial and fair way. I do not think, therefore, that the concern that immediately generated the amendment is likely to persist. To the extent that the noble Lord raises an issue that will continue beyond devolution in Scotland, this is a matter to which I would like to hear the Minister's response. Whether I veer towards support for some form of statutory regulation of behaviour, with consequences in the longer term, will be a function not just of the reasonableness of the noble Lord's argument for the amendment but the response that I hear from the noble and learned Lord.