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European Commission

The UN has commissions in the region, and the very distinguished Baker Commission is working on the issue. I am very glad, at times, that we did not have debates of this kind when the American South chose to secede from the Union in 1861. Such issues of identity are sensitive and difficult. In 1987, the Labour party election manifesto contained more about Polisario than it did about Europe. When people go on visits and meet dear friends from different movements around the world, they can get very focused on those issues. We need an agreement and peace, but Algeria also needs to stop supporting people whom the Moroccan Government see as being against them. All three of those Governments need the maximum support to stop what is now called the Maghreb branch of al-Qaeda. Whether that name is self-taken, or really represents any intervention by al-Qaeda, I am not qualified to judge; but we need more intervention, visits, investment, trade and commerce. Those three majority Muslim nations—not quite Arab, because the people are Berber—are future big partners for Europe. As I said, France also must understand its responsibility to Turkey, and face down the right-wing Islamophobe dislike of Turkey from many Conservative parties in Europe. Conservative parties in Europe tend to treat Turkey in the way our Conservative party treats the European Union—they dislike and oppose it, and wish to have as little as possible to do with it. I will finish on a political point. The Minister and his colleagues who work for British national interests in Europe will be able to work so much more effectively and efficiently if the main Opposition party becomes realistic and sensible about Europe, because it may one day form the Government of the country, although after the comic opera that has been announced to our delight and delectation this afternoon, that day may be much further off than its members imagined before about 1.30 pm. The better-off-out brigade need to be put in their box, just as, in the early 1990s, Labour had to put in their box all the anti-Europeans who were keeping it in permanent opposition. I want to see a day when the entire British elected parliamentary and political class—with the noble exceptions of dear friends whose scepticism I respect, love and admire—will know that to have any voice in Europe, we need to be networking and broadly supportive of it. If we want to change the CAP we must change the point of view of our Irish friends—not our French friends. It is Ireland that refuses all reform of the CAP. To have an effective European defence and security strategy it is necessary to persuade the French to back President Sarkozy in his apparent aim of reintegrating France into NATO—and so on. I wish the Minister well in what will be tricky and interesting negotiations in the coming period. Whether or not the treaty is ratified, we shall need to get our policies in place to bring about economic growth, social justice, rights for workers and a common policy on the environment, and to find some way of speaking as one with the incoming American President. At the moment, on Russia, on Kosovo, as I suggested, on energy questions and on too many other issues, Europe comes up with the lowest common denominator policy, and does not speak as one or provide an effective partner to the United States and the other great democracies of the world.