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Queen’s Speech

My Lords, it is with a real sense of privilege that I stand among you today, although I confess that at this very moment it feels a little intimidating. You might well be forgiven for thinking that 30 years in the Church of England would well prepare someone for an institution in which you discover the rules only after you have broken them. As a newcomer to the conventions and customs of this noble House, the same threat seems close to hand. Perhaps I may begin by thanking those of you whom I have met for the warm and generous welcome you have offered. I would also like to thank the staff of the House for all their help in ensuring that my induction has gone as smoothly as it could. The diocese of Bristol, which I serve, runs along the west to east axis, incorporating the conurbations of Bristol in the west and Swindon to the east, a vibrant town with much local industry. The city of Bristol is a major player in the south-west region, but some of us feel that the present eccentric city and county boundaries are somewhat limiting in the ongoing development of the commercial and educational life of the city and the region. In the past, the inhabitants of the city of Bristol have certainly not shied away from making their views clear to obstructive prelates. In 1831, my learned predecessor, Bishop Gray, had his palace burnt to the ground when he and all the Lords Spiritual refused to support the Great Reform Bill. Thankfully, in case one day I accidentally overstep the mark here, the new see house has a fire alarm. The churches of the diocese still play their part via their extensive infrastructure in serving all sections of society, with a particular concern for the urban and rural poor. As a diocese, we exist to build and, where necessary, to rebuild community. Indeed, our own version of social cohesion is that we are committed to build communities of wholeness. Bristol has a higher than average proportion of single person households and I am sure that many noble Lords share my anxiety about the loss of community and social support in our increasingly privatised and individualised culture. It is against that backdrop that I should like to make a few comments in relation to the gracious Speech, and in particular on the Crime and Security Bill. As this is a maiden speech I shall seek to be brief, and recalling my learned predecessor for today at least, non-controversial. There is much in the Crime and Security Bill that I feel able to support in relation to the focus on parenting. I support the objective of seeking to ensure that parents take responsibility for their children’s behaviour, but whether making parenting courses a part of the criminal justice process, replete with sanctions, is the best way forward may be something we wish to reflect on further. It seems to be true that attempts to modify behaviour generally benefit from early intervention. This raises the question of whether we should put more effort into educating and supporting parents and families through mainstream services rather than waiting for a child to be issued with an ASBO, by which time much time much of the damage has been done. My understanding is that all the evidence suggests that families in difficulty find training and support really helpful, but it requires sustained engagement rather than short, sharp programmes, and that a context of stigma and coercion greatly reduces the likelihood of co-operation. As I say, there is much to be grateful for in this proposal, but also much to discuss further. The Government’s desire to take more effective action against domestic violence is clearly to be supported. I particularly endorse the principle that the perpetrator of violence should be removed from the home rather than the victim or victims. This arrangement would limit the need for children to be cared for in refuges. I suppose what I want to reflect on is that where violence is alleged rather than proven, how will due process work and how is it to be balanced against safety for victims? A final anxiety relates to how it is intended that the victim of violence is to be protected when the perpetrator knows exactly where the victim is. My understanding is that victims are most at risk when they report violence or initiate a process of separation. Finally, and obviously, the use of DNA in solving serious crimes has been a remarkable development in policing. We must all be heartened to know that justice has been done in a large number of old and previously unsolved serious cases as well as some serious crimes in the present. The key issue that the Government are wrestling with following the decision of the European Court of Human Rights is the collision between civil liberties and crime detection through retaining the profiles of legally innocent people on the national database. This is clearly a matter that will require further discussion. For myself, I support retention in principle but question whether the proposed periods of retention are potentially too long and on what basis they have been determined. In summary, a key criterion for me is how this Bill, together with others outlined in the gracious Speech, will assist in building and rebuilding communities. I sense that if we can successfully rebuild communities, a lot of the statutory interventions that we make at present will become less necessary. That is because when communities work well, a lot of other things start to work well. I very much look forward to hearing the Minister’s reply on these issues. Having made what I hope is a non-incendiary contribution to the debate, I look forward to playing as full a part as I can in the work of this House.