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Queen’s Speech

My Lords, I am glad to follow my noble friend Lord Livsey of Talgarth, who knows a great deal about Wales. I recollect his famous campaign for election to another place—the Brecon by-election in 1984. I led the forces ranged against him and failed. As our three British party-political leaders ponder how much further devolved government they wish to offer the Celtic nations, I hope that they have pondered the implications for British governance of the Scottish Government’s decision to repatriate the Libyan Lockerbie terrorist. The Scottish Government had their way; they were not deflected. They did what they set out to do, notwithstanding the strong feelings and furore across Britain. Arguably, it was the first major test of a devolved Government. The Scots passed the test, it seems—but what of British governance? The consequences were major for relationships between London and Washington. The actions of the Scottish Government impacted on the so-called special relationship between Britain and the United States, and Washington will not forget the matter. A British Cabinet, consequent on its own actions, appeared rendered unqualified on an issue of high British foreign policy. An Edinburgh Government had their way, according to law. But did Britain gain? As the general election approaches and the devolution policies are fashioned and fleshed out in a highly competitive atmosphere by party leaders, can we be sure that for the sake of good future British governance the lessons of Libya and Lockerbie have been learnt? So far, in terms of delivery, devolved government has been a success in Britain—certainly in Wales. Importantly, proportional representation was factored into the devolution settlements with the Celtic nations, so today—astoundingly—the nationalist parties of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are in office, controlling or sharing power. As a Minister campaigning in the 1979 referendum for a yes vote, one would never have believed that there would be additional parliaments in the 21st century overseeing complicated public services and colossal, unimaginable budgets of billions. Indeed, in Wales, so decisive in 1979 was the referendum no that the then Secretary of State for Wales ruefully remarked post-referendum that you cannot ignore the elephant on your doorstep. To set up the new Wales Assembly, the then Welsh Office and British Home Civil Service performed wonderfully well. The Wales Assembly Government took their opportunities sure-footedly; the first Ministers, Alun Michael and, subsequently, Rhodri Morgan, have much to be proud of. They made national history. Your Lordships may know of our great national hero, Owain Glyndwr, who led a Wales-wide rebellion against the Lancastrian Henry Bolingbroke—that is, Henry IV. Glyndwr actually set up a parliament in the Merioneth fortress at Machynlleth. He called for a university in the north and in the south and proposed bishops for Wales. King Henry railed at the allusive guerrilla tactics of Owain Glyndwr, whom in royal frustration he described as "the magician". It was, however, not to be. The insurrection failed. For Wales to gain a semblance of self-government took 600 years. It took the historic 1944 Education Act; it took Wales-based radio and television, the BBC and ITV in Wales; and it took Prime Minister Harold Wilson’s establishment of the Welsh Office, led by the great Secretary of State for Wales, James Griffiths, the then Member for Llanelli. These were the platforms on which the advance to devolved government in Cardiff was secured. How far should the Wales Assembly go? Is Britain on a de facto road to federalism? Do the Government know that? Do they perceive that? I hope that our Westminster Government are considering the next moves carefully, with some wisdom and over time. They have certainly proposed a sound gracious Speech. As my noble friend the Minister has said, they are a Government seeking a fair and just society.