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Finance Bill

No, I am going to make some progress because I have already been speaking for half an hour. ““Watch this space,”” the Exchequer Secretary said on Friday; I say to my hon. Friends that if we watch her space through to the next reshuffle, I fear that we may find it empty. Let us hope that she meant that, behind the intransigent bluster that the PM does so well, the backroom boys in the Treasury U-turn department were working over the weekend and yet another climbdown is in preparation—if not today, then before the debate in Committee next Monday. The Government found the money for concessions on non-doms and capital gains tax; they can look at the package and unpick it if they want to. I could make many other points about the Bill. The former Chancellor's Budget last year did not stop at the 10p rate for low-income families; when he had finished reversing his policy on the 10p rate of income tax, at the expense of low-income families, he reversed his policy on the taxation of small companies and announced an increase of 3p in the pound—hammering the very people whom he had encouraged just a few years earlier to incorporate their businesses with the now-abolished zero rate. The message is clear: people should not come here if they are looking for a stable and predictable fiscal regime for their business. Is the Prime Minister responsible for all the problems in the Finance Bill? That depends on who we think was the author of the pre-Budget report. The chaos and confusion that followed from the ill thought through proposals on the tail of the cancelled election last October have caused a huge problem in the business community and damaged Britain's reputation as a business-friendly environment and the Labour party's credibility with business even further. I could talk endlessly about those issues, but the mood of the House is to move on. I want to refer specifically to one more thing before I finish: the dramatic increase in powers being granted to Her Majesty's Revenue and Customs. Some tax experts are telling us that that is the single most important long-term aspect of the Bill. The pattern started with the Finance Act 2007, and without waiting to see how the new powers work in practice the Government have gone on to extend them to the whole range of taxes in this Bill. HMRC will be given powers to authorise itself to enter premises, including third-party premises. The safeguard on distraint of taxpayers' goods will be scrapped in primary legislation. There are constitutional questions around clause 117, which will create an order-making power to repeal or amend any primary legislation, including the Finance Act 2008 itself. These are huge new powers at a time when HMRC is miscalculating the taxes of 1 million or more of our fellow citizens every year, when public confidence in the chaotic administration of tax credits is at an all-time low, and when the shockingly casual attitude to data security has been exposed by the loss of the personal data of half the families in Britain. The Government's response is to give it more powers. This increase in powers is a step too far and a step too soon, and we will seek to postpone their implementation, if the Bill obtains a Second Reading, and to get them brought forward again in a stand-alone Bill that would be subject to scrutiny in the other place, which has expressed a strong interest in such kinds of bureaucratic powers. As the economy slows and we all peer into an uncertain future, this is the wrong Finance Bill to present to this House today."““We are where we are””," as the Chancellor said on the ““Today”” programme on 13 March, and we all know who is responsible for getting us here, ill-prepared, over-borrowed and almost uniquely exposed—the same person who is responsible for most of the Chancellor's woes in this Finance Bill. At a time when families, particularly those on lower incomes, are struggling with the soaring cost of living and stagnant earnings, it clobbers them with tax increases. At a time when Britain desperately needs business investment to create the jobs and prosperity of tomorrow, it raises business capital taxes by 80 per cent. At a time when people crave certainty, it creates ambiguity, with arbitrary and sweeping new powers for the authorities and an unparalleled lack of clarity around some of its most important clauses. Most of all, this Finance Bill represents a breach of trust: with investors, who invested on the basis of Labour's long-term capital gains tax regime; with small businesses, who incorporated on the back of Labour's long-term small companies tax plan; and, above all, with the 5.3 million low-income households who were told by our Prime Minister, when he lowered their income tax in 1999,"““When we make promises, we keep them.””" The weasel words that the Chief Secretary offered to the House will satisfy no one; they do not begin to address the Government's breach of trust with those on the lowest incomes in Britain. She goes on about 1997, talking about winter fuel payments that do not affect that group of people at all. Earlier this afternoon, we heard what the Bank of England is going to do to help Britain's hard-pressed families and businesses. Now it is the Government's turn. A promise is a promise. The Government need to go back to the drawing board and reconstruct their tax reform package so that it is not carried on the backs of the poorest in our society. Until they do, my hon. Friends and I, and I suspect many other honourable Members of this House, will not support this Bill.