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Debate on the Address

My Lords, first, I welcome to this House a good friend, my noble friend Lady Taylor of Bolton, who was a colleague in the House of Commons and in this place. I wish her well. My noble friend Lord Drayson shared a room with me for quite a long time. He was a delightful companion and—this has been said on all sides—a very good Minister. My noble friend Lord Malloch-Brown, who will wind up this debate, adds lustre to the government Benches and I welcome him. Many years ago, I was, mistakenly, a Eurosceptic; but, having worked within the European Commission, observing and playing a part in various institutions and helping to communicate the fundamental message of the European Commission, I changed. I recognised the Commission’s faults, but I perceived how wrong I had been. I reject the fundamentalism that scars the entire situation regarding Europe. It is ironic that, for the most part, the two main political parties have dramatically changed their stances. Today, the majority of Conservatives are implacably opposed to the whole concept of Europe, whereas the majority of the Labour Party is for a stronger Europe. The Conservatives cannot maintain a position of a do-nothing Europe or withdrawing from it altogether. It is one thing to play remorselessly to the Eurosceptic gallery—in essence, that was the gravamen of the speech made by the noble Lord, Lord Howell—but, in reality, the Conservatives would need the unanimous agreement of all member states to realise their ambitions. Despite the current reticence shown by the Labour Government, I hope that they will play a much more positive role in the European Union, helping to mould it for the future. On the treaty, I argue that it is not nearly as radical as those that preceded it: the Single European Act, Maastricht and Amsterdam. Did we have a referendum on them? The answer is a devastating no. Of course, there are similarities between the constitution treaty and the reform treaty but there are also key differences. The United Kingdom has negotiated a series of significant opt-outs: the European Charter of Fundamental Rights, crime, policing and where there is aid for humanitarian purposes or energy policies, the UK can go its own way. To pretend, as most Europhobes do, that suddenly British law has become subordinate to European law is utterly false. The situation has remained unchanged since we joined the European Community in 1973. Contrary to the assertions of those who are opposed to the European project, in no way have our citizens been hoodwinked. What the Conservatives contend is untenable. To argue that we should withdraw from the European Union is legitimate—in my view, wholly wrong—but to argue that we should be half in and half out is unworthy of them. The European Union has a much better chance of influencing the United States and others over, for example, climate change, than if the UK were to go it alone. Climate change is probably the most significant issue confronting the world today. Despite some errors, the Gore report remains a highly potent source of criticism of present policies. We would be greatly mistaken to ignore its messages and those of the Stern report. The vast majority of scientific opinion voices that conclusion. There is a legal maximum that criminal liability has to be proved beyond reasonable doubt and civil liability on the balance of probabilities. In that context, the latter is to be preferred. If we are proved to be wrong, which I think unlikely, we can recover, but if we apply the doctrine of reasonable doubt the worst will come to the worst and our children and grandchildren will have absolutely no chance. The European Community also has a vital contribution to make to the Middle East peace process. Select Committee C considered a number of relevant matters: the EU's policies, its diplomatic initiatives and how each of those could be enhanced. It concluded that the European Union could have an even greater input than at present and that if Hamas renounced violence, recognised Israel and accepted past agreements negotiated by the PLO, it could be usefully involved in the peace process. Israel should be recognised as an important player in such talks and could establish its bone fides by transferring to the Palestinian Authority tax and custom revenues which, given a peaceful situation, I believe Israel is prepared to do. The situation with Iran is extremely complex. The attitude adopted by the present leadership is bizarre and unhelpful. By indicating that the regime is prepared to adopt a more positive approach, there is a possibility that dialogue could produce helpful results, but that remains to be seen. Extremism must not extinguish all sane paths to peace. This has been a useful debate. A number of themes have been aired, and I hope that it will be regarded as helpful as far as the evolution of foreign policy by the Government is concerned.