Proceeding contribution from Baroness Whitaker (Labour) in the House of Lords on Thursday, 19 May 2005. It occurred during Queen's speech debate on Address in Reply to Her Majesty’s Most Gracious Speech.
Address in Reply to Her Majesty’s Most Gracious Speech
My Lords, despite this early position in the speaking order, I wish to make only a very narrow, brief and perhaps slightly familiar contribution. It is to welcome most warmly the commitments in the gracious Speech to tackle poverty in Africa and climate change, to push for an end to the abuses in Darfur and to combat international crime—but also to say that something will be missing from real effectiveness in some of those key battles if reducing corruption does not form part of the effort to combat international crime. I remind the House of my unremunerated interest in Transparency International. The United Kingdom has—justly—one of the highest reputations for its work on development in Africa and elsewhere. The efforts of my right honourable friends the Chancellor and the Secretary of State for International Development—and, indeed, of the whole Government—as set out so comprehensively by my noble friend the Minister, have already achieved much and will certainly continue to do so. British achievement in conflict resolution is, indeed, incomparable. I am sure that the House will support the further efforts in both these areas that are necessary and that are promised. But both of these are undermined if commercial companies continue to subvert officials, and even whole governments, in some developing countries with impunity. The international community has moved against corruption, with the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. Have we ratified it yet? The OECD has moved against corruption with its anti-bribery convention. We signed up to it, but we were criticised by the OECD in its last progress report on our implementation for not having brought forward the necessary comprehensive legislation. We have done well in legislation on cross-border judicial co-operation. But we have not yet completed the jigsaw, although the Government published a draft Bill on corruption, analysed by the scrutiny committee—of which I was a member—and found wanting, as long ago as July 2003. No doubt partly as a consequence, we do not have unified investigation and prosecution arrangements to follow through such areas of corruption as our existing law does cover. How many prosecutions have there been? The best of our transnational companies have their own codes of practice to deter their employees from taking part in a corrupt business culture. But we have no coherent framework to help them. I know that the Department for International Development agrees that stronger action is needed to deal with bribery by UK companies overseas, to deter money laundering and to trace and return the proceeds of corruption. The Commission for Africa, set up by my right honourable friend the Prime Minister, says:"““The corrosive effect of corruption undermines all efforts to improve governance and foster development””." All efforts, my Lords. The Treasury has produced a splendid report on the challenges and opportunities of globalisation for the UK financial services sector. The City of London is of prime importance to our economy, and to the rooting out of corruption. This report does not mention even the need to deter money laundering once. I know that these remarks stray beyond the scope of this debate. But that is the trouble with corruption: law on the subject is the responsibility of the Home Office. Culture, as well as the Export Credits Guarantee Department, is more the province of the DTI. Money laundering is a concern of the Treasury. Compliance with international instruments is also the interest of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. But the adverse effects of not reining in corruption are damaging above all to the development of the poorest of poor countries, which is the interest of the Department for International Development. So I hope that my noble friend can get proper legislation proposed, in the interests of the millions who, through the corrupt actions of British companies, die too soon, or are condemned to extreme poverty, or are simply left out of the ““opportunity”” and ““hope”” which this Government rightly think normal to try to obtain for all our citizens.
Secondary information
- Type
- Proceeding contribution
- Reference
- 672 c128-9
- Session
- 2005-06
- Chamber / Committee
- House of Lords chamber
- Subjects
- Armed forces Defence Army Developing countries Development aid Arms trade Defence equipment China Africa Iraq European Constitution Treaty EU common foreign and security policy Foreign policy Nuclear weapons Peacekeeping operations Procurement Navy Military law Terrorism Security United Nations USA Afghanistan NATO Israel Sudan Palestine Iran Middle East Aircraft carriers Darfur EU external relations Asia Conflict prevention Conflict resolution
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- View this Proceeding contribution on www.publications.parliament.uk
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