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Proceeding contribution from David Burrowes (Conservative) in the House of Commons on Tuesday, 9 December 2008. It occurred during Debate on European Affairs.


European Affairs

I was in Kyrenia two weeks ago, when I saw for myself how fantastic it is. Sadly, it is being affected by booming development, including development on Greek Cypriot land, which has created a significant obstacle to seeking a solution. Every development provides an extra obstacle to seeking a solution. Turkey has a key part to play; indeed, it already plays a key role in the north. I had coffee in northern Nicosia with some Turkish Cypriots, who were concerned about their decreasing numbers and reduced identity. Their concern is that Turkey is too dominant on the issue of negotiations. They referred me to a press report saying that Mr. Talat had said that he must ensure that he has the support of Ankara in relation to negotiations and his own re-election. My concern is that Cyprus should be able to stand on its own two feet, in respect of both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. Turkey has a role to play in loosening its grip on the north, certainly in relation to the significant issue of the role of its troops. It could show its confidence in the Maronite community by removing the troops from the villages that are part of the base. Turkey could show good faith and respect the sovereignty of Cyprus in relation to another issue. When we were in Cyprus, it was an issue of particular concern. There have been exploratory surveys for hydrocarbon reserves in the Republic of Cyprus. It would be excellent for Cyprus if oil were found and tapped into the economy. That would benefit all Cyprus, a united Cyprus. Those reserves are in the exclusive economic zone, 13 miles from Limassol and 1.5 miles from its territorial waters. Unfortunately, however, Turkey has challenged with warships the right for the research to be carried out. A Norwegian company has said that its ships have been harassed by Turkish warships. It is in the interests of both President Christofias and Mr. Talat to ensure that the full potential of those hydrocarbon reserves is secured and that the sovereign integrity of the whole island, its territorial waters and exclusive economic zone can be respected. Saying that he wants Turkish Cypriots to gain from that research, rather than its being an issue for Turkey, is a key test for Mr. Talat. As I said, as we approach the new year, the opportunity for a solution is better than it has been for decades. Some might ask why we should not wait and whether the issue should be a priority for the British Government. As the British Government are a guarantor power, and given the active interest and concerns, it should be a priority; otherwise, the division of the island will become entrenched in Cypriot minds, particularly those of younger Cypriots of the two communities, who have not had much contact with each other. The fact that the buildings that I mentioned are being developed, particularly on Greek Cypriot land, is an obstacle to reunification and the division is further entrenched. It is also in the interests of Turkey's accession negotiations to progress to reunification. Resolving the Cyprus problem is a key issue as we consider, and want to support, Turkey's accession. Reunification is also in the interests of both Greek and Turkish Cypriots; they would have the benefits together of a reunited island. It is important that the negotiations do not resort to what has been a rule of diplomacy in Cyprus, in an adaptation of Newton's law of physics: any proposal from one party immediately provokes an equal and contrary reaction from the other. It is a zero-sum game. It is important that the confidence-building measures have a reality to them and are not, as the mayor of Famagusta put it to me, exercises in futility. We look to the ghost town of Varosha to see whether progress can be made on what has been since 1974 an abandoned and uninhabited town. We want that situation to change and to see refugees come back to Varosha. At an early stage, experts could go in to see what could be done to enable that to happen. Furthermore, the port of Famagusta is underused. The two areas should be freed up so that trade can be renewed under an agreed international administration such as the United Nations or the European Union, to benefit all, and so that trade and justice can be pursued and refugees can return to the village. What of the future for the negotiations to resolve the Cyprus problem? It has been said that no one has ever lost money betting against their successful outcome. However, I am not a betting man. Will the Minister and the Government do everything in their power to support the good will that is present at the talks to ensure that the most is made of the opportunity in the next six months? Will they play a key role in terms of the support for Turkish accession to Europe? Will they ensure that Cyprus does not remain divided and a scar, primarily for the island, but also for Europe? In relation to the wider interests in the region, will they ensure that Cyprus is not just a pawn in a wider game of chess, and that the rule of law, justice and the United Nations resolutions are properly respected, not sacrificed for wider strategic interests? I look forward to a time when we can debate Europe in the context of a united island of Cyprus, with a bi-zonal or bi-communal federal solution based on political equality, single sovereignty, one citizenship and one international personality. I want finally to turn to another area of interest—the middle east, Iran and the role played there by the European Union. The concern in relation to Iran is that it is threatening and destabilising the region, particularly Israel through its support for Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Palestinian terror groups of Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Given the intransigence of Iran in relation to the nuclear proliferation programme, the European Union should do more to challenge it through sanctions and consider other targets such as the Central Bank of Iran, which plays a role in relation to funding terrorism and propping up the activities of nuclear proliferation, and other agents that help to support Iran's energy sector and the outlawed financial institutions. The concerns of the Council of Europe are wide-ranging. In relation to Cyprus and the wider issues of the middle east, they are well heard.


Secondary information

Type
Proceeding contribution
Reference
485 c493-5 
Session
2008-09
Chamber / Committee
House of Commons chamber
Subjects
Armed conflict Banks Coal Climate change Competition Development aid Cyprus Carbon capture and storage Africa EU countries Finance Human rights Energy EU enlargement European Union Industry EU internal trade International cooperation Fiscal policy Government assistance Economic situation Germany EU external trade Economic and monetary union EU economic policy EU emissions trading scheme National security Motor vehicles Public expenditure Peacekeeping operations Politics and government Piracy Poland Overseas trade Standards Terrorism Rule of law Balkans Russia Israel Turkey Kosovo Common agricultural policy Foreign investment in UK Zimbabwe Middle East Bosnia and Herzegovina EU external relations EU aid EU defence policy Georgia Somalia Treaty of Lisbon Kurds South Ossetia Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
Link
View this Proceeding contribution on www.publications.parliament.uk